About this subject
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Gender and Law is studied in six units, from what gender is and how the State has used it, to how stereotypes about women and men shape the reasoning of courts. Gender is not a subject only about women: it quietly decides who cooks at home, who gets the job, who is believed at the police station and who may marry whom.
For each case, learn the facts, the question, the decision and the principle. For each theory, learn what it says, why it arose and where others disagree. The principle and the debate are what examination answers use.
Unit 1: Gender, Law and the State
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Sex and gender
| Point | Sex | Gender |
|---|---|---|
| Refers to | The body: chromosomes, hormones and organs of reproduction | The roles, behaviour, expectations and value a society attaches to being a man or a woman |
| Comes from | The body | Society |
| Illustration | The doctor announces at birth, "it is a girl" or "it is a boy" | The girl gets a doll and is told to sit properly and help in the kitchen; the boy gets a toy car and is told that boys do not cry |
- Ann Oakley (British sociologist) made the distinction popular in Sex, Gender and Society (1972).
- Simone de Beauvoir (French philosopher, 1949): "One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman." Womanhood, as society defines it, is largely taught and learnt, not simply handed over by nature.
Why the distinction matters for law
For centuries law treated social roles as facts of nature. Sigmund Freud wrote that "anatomy is destiny", and many legal systems acted on that belief: if a woman's body is made for childbirth, her place is the home, so she need not vote, own property or practise a profession. Once these roles are seen as made by society, it follows that society, and law, can change them.
Judith Butler: performativity
In Gender Trouble (1990), the American philosopher Judith Butler argued that gender is not something we are but something we do again and again. By repeatedly walking, dressing, speaking and sitting in ways society marks as masculine or feminine, we produce the appearance of a natural gender. She called this performativity. She also questioned whether even sex is purely natural, since sorting all bodies into two boxes is itself shaped by society.
Intersex and transgender persons: who decides gender?
The body itself shows that nature does not always come in two neat boxes.
- Intersex variations: chromosomes, hormones or reproductive organs that do not fit the typical definitions of male or female.
- Transgender persons: their sense of their own gender differs from the sex assigned at birth.
Who then decides a person's gender: the doctor reading the body, society reading behaviour, or the person, who knows who they are? This is the question of self-determination.
Self-Determination of Gender Identity
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National Legal Services Authority v. Union of India (April 2014), the NALSA case: a petition for transgender persons, who lacked legal recognition, faced police harassment and were shut out of schools, jobs and hospitals. Bench: Justices K.S. Radhakrishnan and A.K. Sikri.
Held:
- Hijra persons and eunuchs must be treated as a third gender, in addition to male and female.
- Every person has the right to decide their own gender identity (male, female or third gender); gender identity lies at the core of dignity and personality.
- Insisting on sex reassignment surgery as a condition for legal recognition is immoral and illegal.
- Discrimination on the ground of gender identity violates Articles 14, 15, 16 and 21; expressing one's gender through dress, words and behaviour is protected by Article 19(1)(a).
Directions: treat transgender persons as socially and educationally backward classes and extend reservation to them. Support was drawn from the Yogyakarta Principles, an international experts' statement on how human rights law applies to sexual orientation and gender identity.
Principle: the law moved from anatomy to self-determination. The person, not the doctor, decides.
Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019
- In its original form, Section 4 gave a transgender person the right to be recognised as such and a right to self-perceived gender identity.
- The procedure did not fully follow NALSA: a person had to apply to the District Magistrate for a certificate of identity, and one seeking recognition as male or female had to produce a certificate of surgery from a medical officer. Critics said this brought the doctor back in.
Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Act, 2026
In force from 25 May 2026, it changed the law sharply.
- New definition of a transgender person, covering: persons with socio-cultural identities such as kinnar, hijra, aravani and jogta, and eunuchs; persons born with intersex variations; and persons forced to take on a transgender identity, for example through mutilation or a surgical or hormonal procedure.
- Proviso: the definition excludes persons with different sexual orientations and self-perceived sexual identities.
- The right to self-perceived gender identity was deleted.
- The District Magistrate issues a certificate after examining the recommendation of a medical board headed by a Chief Medical Officer or Deputy Chief Medical Officer.
- New serious offences: for example, kidnapping an adult and causing grievous hurt to force a transgender identity on that person is punishable with at least ten years of rigorous imprisonment.
| Government's justification | Critics' objection |
|---|---|
| The old definition was too vague to identify those who truly face severe exclusion; benefits should not depend on personal choice or a claimed self-perceived identity. | A return from self-determination to medical gatekeeping, contrary to the NALSA case. |
Petitions challenging the Amendment are pending; the Supreme Court issued notice in May 2026 but refused to stay the law.
Present position: NALSA remains the landmark statement that gender identity belongs to the person, but the statute in force requires medical certification, and its validity is yet to be decided.
Is Inequality Natural?
Why have almost all societies placed men above women? Evolutionary answers say men and women developed different bodies and abilities over thousands of years because men hunted and fought while women bore and nursed children; so male leadership and female care are natural, and law should respect them.
Three objections
- The historical story is too simple: in many early societies women gathered much of the food and did heavy work.
- A past difference does not make it right or permanent today. One cannot jump from what is to what ought to be; what is natural is not automatically just.
- The claim of nature has repeatedly been used to justify hierarchy.
André Béteille
The Indian sociologist André Béteille showed how societies justify social inequality by presenting it as natural: upper castes claimed natural purity, colonial rulers natural racial superiority, and men claimed women were naturally weaker in reason. He built on Rousseau's distinction between the differences nature gives us and the inequalities society builds on top of them.
Histories of male power
- Friedrich Engels (1884): the subordination of women began with private property and a family designed to pass property to sons, "the world historical defeat of the female sex".
- Gerda Lerner, The Creation of Patriarchy: patriarchy had a beginning in history, so it can also have an end.
Common lesson of these accounts: gender inequality is made, not born.
Courts and the argument from nature
Bradwell v. Illinois (1873): Held: the US Supreme Court allowed Illinois to refuse Myra Bradwell a licence to practise law, only because she was a woman. Justice Joseph Bradley, concurring: the paramount destiny and mission of woman is to fulfil the offices of wife and mother. Principle: courts once openly accepted the argument from nature.
Muller v. Oregon (1908): Held: the same Court upheld a law limiting women's working hours, pointing to their physical structure and role as mothers. Principle: such laws were called protective, but by protecting women as weaker they also kept women out of better paid work (an idea that returns in Unit 5).
Gender and the Responsibility of the State
Public and private spheres
| Point | Public sphere | Private sphere |
|---|---|---|
| Covered | Politics, the market, the courts | The home and the family |
| The liberal State | Regulated it | Claimed to stay out |
| Belonged to | Men | Women were confined to it |
Coverture
The common law expressed the division of spheres through the doctrine of coverture. The English jurist William Blackstone (eighteenth century) wrote that by marriage husband and wife are one person in law, and the very being or legal existence of the woman is suspended during the marriage. So a married woman could not own property in her own name, make a contract, or sue without her husband.
The myth of non-intervention
Frances Olsen (American scholar) called the State's non-intervention in the family a myth: the State already decides who may marry, who is a parent and what is a crime at home. Refusing to act against domestic violence is not neutral; it leaves power with the stronger party, usually the husband. Hence "the personal is political" (Unit 2).
Liberal neutrality
| Liberals | Many feminists | Conservative critics |
|---|---|---|
| The State should stay neutral between different ideas of the good life. | Neutrality between unequal parties simply preserves the inequality. | Feminist demands have pushed the State too far into private life and weakened limited constitutional government. |
Be able to state both sides of the neutrality debate.
The colonial State in India
It claimed not to interfere with Hindu and Muslim personal laws, yet under pressure from Indian reformers it passed:
- Bengal Sati Regulation, 1829: banned sati;
- Hindu Widows' Remarriage Act, 1856: allowed widows to remarry;
- Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929: fixed a minimum age for marriage.
At the same time the Indian Penal Code, 1860 imported Victorian sexual morality: Section 377 punished carnal intercourse against the order of nature, and similar laws spread across the Empire, from India to the Caribbean. The colonial State both reformed and policed gender according to its own interests.
The man question
The American legal scholar Nancy Dowd argued for studying masculinities, the ideas society builds about what a real man is. They give power to men as a group but also hurt many men, such as those who do not fit the tough, earning, unemotional model, or men from disadvantaged castes and classes. Gender analysis is about the whole system that ranks people by gender, not only about women.
From Disability to Inclusion
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Disability here means a legal incapacity, not a physical condition: something a person is not allowed to do because of the group they belong to.
The right to practise law
Regina Guha's case (1916): Held: the Calcutta High Court refused to enrol a woman law graduate as a pleader, holding that women were not persons entitled to enrolment under the Legal Practitioners Act. The Patna High Court took a similar view in the case of Sudhansu Bala Hazra. Only the Legal Practitioners (Women) Act, 1923 removed the bar.
Edwards v. Attorney General for Canada (1929): Canadian women had to go to the Privy Council to be declared persons eligible to sit in the Senate. Lord Sankey described the Canadian Constitution as a living tree, capable of growth. Principle: a constitution must grow with society, an idea central to gender justice.
International law
- UN Charter, 1945: reaffirmed faith in the equal rights of men and women.
- Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, Article 1: all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. An earlier draft said "all men"; the Indian delegate Hansa Mehta pressed for the change so that women were clearly included.
CEDAW, 1979
Equal rights on paper did not end discrimination in practice, so the UN General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the "international bill of rights for women".
| Article | Content |
|---|---|
| 1 | Discrimination: any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing women's human rights and freedoms in any field. |
| 4 | Temporary special measures to speed up real equality are not discrimination (supports affirmative action, Unit 5). |
| 5 | States must change social and cultural patterns of conduct to end prejudices based on the inferiority or superiority of either sex or on stereotyped roles (foundation of Unit 6). |
| 16 | Equality in marriage and family relations. |
"Effect or purpose" in Article 1: a rule can discriminate even if nobody intended it to.
- India signed CEDAW in 1980 and ratified it in 1993, with declarations on Articles 5 and 16 that it would not interfere in the personal affairs of any community without its initiative and consent.
- India has not accepted the Optional Protocol, which would let individual women complain to the UN committee that monitors the Convention.
- General Recommendation 19 (1992) of that committee: gender-based violence is a form of discrimination, and a State may be responsible even for private acts of violence if it fails to act with due diligence to prevent, investigate and punish them. Due diligence breaks the old picture of a State that stays outside the home (Unit 3).
The Indian Constitution
| Provision | Guarantee |
|---|---|
| Article 14 | Equality before the law and equal protection of the laws |
| Article 15(1) | No State discrimination on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth |
| Article 15(3) | State may make special provisions for women and children |
| Article 16 | Equality of opportunity in public employment; no discrimination on the ground of sex |
| Article 39 (Directive Principle) | Adequate means of livelihood for men and women equally; equal pay for equal work |
| Article 42 (Directive Principle) | Just and humane conditions of work and maternity relief |
| Article 51A(e) (Fundamental Duty) | Renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women |
| Article 326 | Adult suffrage: women got the vote with men, without a separate struggle after Independence |
Political reservation
- 73rd and 74th Amendments (in force from 1993): not less than one third of seats in panchayats and municipalities reserved for women.
- Constitution (106th Amendment) Act, 2023 (Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam): one third of seats in the Lok Sabha, State Legislative Assemblies and the Legislative Assembly of Delhi. Under Article 334A it begins only after the first census taken after the Amendment and a fresh delimitation based on it.
- In April 2026 a constitutional amendment bill seeking to change this trigger was defeated in the Lok Sabha, so the reservation has not yet begun to operate (Unit 5).
Inheritance
Under the Mitakshara school, only sons were coparceners, members who acquire a share in joint family property by birth. The Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005 made daughters coparceners by birth in the same way as sons.
Vineeta Sharma v. Rakesh Sharma (August 2020): a three-judge bench settled a long dispute. Held: a daughter has the coparcenary right even if her father died before the amendment came into force on 9 September 2005.
Mary Roy v. State of Kerala (1986): concerned Syrian Christian women of the old Travancore area. Held: they inherit equally with their brothers under the Indian Succession Act, 1925; an older State law giving a daughter only a small fraction of a son's share no longer applied.
Zoya wants to become a lawyer, inherit her father's farmland, stand for her panchayat and serve as a permanent army officer. A century ago each would have hit a legal wall; today each is a right, or at least a claim courts take seriously. This movement from disability to inclusion is the story of Gender and Law, though, as the 2026 Amendment shows, not always in one direction.
Unit 2: Feminist Legal Theory and its Methods
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What feminist legal theory asks
Feminist legal theory asks: how does law create, support or challenge the unequal position of women and of sexual minorities? Feminists disagree about what equality means, whether women differ from men, whether the State is a friend or a threat, and what to do about sex, family and work. It is a family of arguments, not a single creed.
The waves of feminism
Historians often describe the feminist movement in waves.
First wave (mid-nineteenth to early twentieth century)
Fought for basic legal rights: the vote, property, education and entry into the professions.
- Mary Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792): women seem inferior only because they are denied education.
- Seneca Falls Convention (United States, 1848): demanded equal rights, including the vote.
- John Stuart Mill, The Subjection of Women (1869).
- Vote: New Zealand first in national elections (1893); United States (1920); United Kingdom on equal terms with men (1928).
Second wave (from the 1960s)
Legal equality had been partly won, but women's lives had not changed much.
- Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (1963): the quiet unhappiness of educated housewives.
- Simone de Beauvoir: woman is treated as the Other, defined only in relation to man.
- Carried feminism into the family, the workplace and the bedroom, and produced laws on equal pay, sexual harassment, abortion and domestic violence.
"The personal is political", made famous by Carol Hanisch's 1970 essay of that title: problems that look private, such as housework, a violent husband or an unwanted pregnancy, are really shaped by power.
Third wave (from the 1990s)
Rejected the idea that all women share one experience; Rebecca Walker used the phrase "third wave" in 1992. Black, lesbian, poor and global South women argued that the second wave spoke mainly for white, middle class, heterosexual women. It stressed diversity, individual identity and intersectionality.
Fourth wave (from around 2012)
Works through the internet and social media. Best known example: the Me Too movement, started by activist Tarana Burke in 2006; the hashtag spread worldwide in October 2017 and reached India in 2018.
Limits of the wave image
- It tells mainly the Western story.
- It suggests each wave ended, when the questions overlap.
- It hides movements elsewhere; India's history does not fit neatly into it.
Equal Treatment Theory
Also called formal equality or liberal feminism: women are rational persons just like men, so law should treat men and women alike and remove every rule that treats them differently, following Aristotle's principle that likes should be treated alike. The theory won many early victories. In the United States, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, as a lawyer (later a US Supreme Court judge), built a litigation strategy around it.
Reed v. Reed (1971): an Idaho law preferred men over women as administrators of a dead person's estate. Held: struck down. Principle: for the first time, the US Supreme Court held a sex-based law invalid under the equal protection clause.
In India, equal treatment is reflected in Article 14 and the rule that any classification must have a rational link with the object of the law.
Weakness: the male measure
To be treated equally, women must show they are the same as men, and the measure of sameness is always male. Pregnancy exposes this.
Geduldig v. Aiello (1974): a State insurance scheme excluded disability caused by pregnancy. Held: the US Supreme Court found no sex discrimination, because the scheme divided people into pregnant women and non-pregnant persons, and the second group included women too. Two years later the Court reasoned the same way under employment law, and Congress responded with the Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978. Principle: treating unequal situations identically can itself produce inequality.
Equal treatment versus special treatment
| Equal treatment side | Special treatment side |
|---|---|
| Any special rule for women, such as maternity leave, would bring back the old protective laws and stereotypes. | Ignoring real differences, such as pregnancy, keeps women unequal. |
The Indian Constitution takes a middle path: Article 14 demands equality, but Article 15(3) expressly allows special provisions for women. Indian law thus speaks the language of substantive equality, looking at real conditions and results, not just identical treatment.
Cultural Feminism
Women are different from men, and the difference should be valued rather than erased.
Carol Gilligan (psychologist), In a Different Voice (1982): her Harvard colleague Lawrence Kohlberg had built a scale of moral development on which women often scored lower. Gilligan argued the scale was biased.
| Ethic of care | Ethic of justice |
|---|---|
| Focused on relationships and responsibilities; the way many women reasoned, Gilligan found | Focused on abstract rights and rules; the only ethic Kohlberg's scale rewarded |
Robin West (legal scholar):
| Separation thesis | Connection thesis |
|---|---|
| Modern legal theory assumes human beings are separate individuals, each needing protection from others. | Through pregnancy and breastfeeding, women's lives are materially connected to other lives. A law built only on separation cannot see much of women's experience. |
For law: rules that value care, such as paid parental leave, flexible work, recognition of unpaid work, and resolving disputes by mediation rather than combat.
Criticism: calling women naturally caring risks repeating the stereotype that kept women at home; and it assumes all women share one voice.
Dominance Theory
A form of radical feminism, led by the American lawyer Catharine MacKinnon. Sameness and difference both miss the point; the real issue is power. Men as a group dominate women as a group, and many observed differences are the result of that domination, not its cause.
For MacKinnon, gender is a hierarchy, not a difference. The test for any law: does it help end the subordination of women, or keep it in place?
Sexuality is at the centre of the hierarchy: rape, sexual harassment and pornography are not isolated wrongs by a few bad men but ways of keeping women as a group subordinate. In Sexual Harassment of Working Women (1979), MacKinnon argued that sexual harassment is sex discrimination. Her campaign against pornography (Unit 6) rests on the same theory.
Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson (1986): Held: the US Supreme Court accepted that sexual harassment creating a hostile working environment is sex discrimination. Indian law later reached a similar result (Unit 5).
| Critics | Supporters |
|---|---|
| Sees women only as victims, ignoring their choices and desires; treats some women's experience as all women's; its reliance on criminal law and censorship can be turned by the State against women and sexual minorities. | It names a real structure of power that other theories hide. |
Critical Race Feminism and Intersectionality
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Women of colour in the United States pointed out that the woman at the centre of mainstream feminist theory was usually white and middle class.
Intersectionality (term introduced by Kimberle Crenshaw, 1989): discrimination does not always operate through one identity. Gender combines with race, caste, class, disability, religion or sexuality; these identities do not simply add up but produce a distinct kind of disadvantage.
DeGraffenreid v. General Motors (1976): Black women sued for discrimination. The company hired women, but for office work, and they were white; it hired Black workers, but for factory work, and they were men. Held: looking at sex and race separately, women were hired so there was no sex discrimination, and Black women could not sue as a separate combined group. Principle (Crenshaw): Black women fell into the gap between the categories, like an accident at a road intersection caused by traffic from several directions at once.
Caste
A Dalit woman may face violence an upper caste woman does not, and humiliation a Dalit man does not. Dalit feminist writers argued that the mainstream women's movement spoke mainly for upper caste, urban women. The historian Uma Chakravarti used the term Brahmanical patriarchy to show how caste purity and control over women's sexuality are tied together.
Patan Jamal Vali v. State of Andhra Pradesh (April 2021): a 19-year-old Scheduled Caste woman, blind from birth, was raped in her home by a village man who knew her brothers; he was convicted of rape and under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Held (Justice D.Y. Chandrachud): the Atrocities Act conviction was set aside, as it was not proved that the crime was committed on the ground of her caste (a 2016 amendment makes knowledge of caste enough, but the crime was in 2011); the rape conviction and life sentence were upheld. Principle: she must be seen at once as a woman, a Dalit and a person with a disability, identities that together made her uniquely disadvantaged.
Queer and LGBTQIA+ Perspectives
LGBTQIA+ covers lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex and asexual persons, the plus covering other identities. Queer theory challenges two assumptions many feminists shared:
- Heteronormativity: heterosexuality is normal and natural, everything else deviant. The poet Adrienne Rich (1980) called this compulsory heterosexuality, a social system that pushes women into relationships with men and makes lesbian lives invisible.
- The gender binary: only two genders, fixed at birth (questioned by Judith Butler, Unit 1).
Queer theory sits uneasily with feminism: a frame focused on men's power over women cannot fully explain the oppression of gay men, transgender or non-binary persons, and may reinforce the binary. The legal scholar Janet Halley suggested taking a break from feminism to see what it misses. With co-authors she described governance feminism: feminist ideas, especially from dominance theory, that have entered State institutions, criminal law and international law and now exercise real power; feminists must take responsibility for its effects, for example on sex workers or accused persons. In India, queer perspectives shaped the long struggle against Section 377 (Unit 3).
Eco-Feminism
Eco-feminism links the domination of women with the domination of nature: one mindset treats both as resources to be controlled and used. Françoise d'Eaubonne coined the term in 1974.
| Eco-feminism: Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive (1988) | Feminist environmentalism: Bina Agarwal (economist) |
|---|---|
| Western development models destroyed the feminine principle in nature and pushed aside rural women's knowledge. Example: the Chipko movement in the Himalaya, where village women hugged trees to stop felling; in March 1974 women of Reni village, led by Gaura Devi, stopped contractors from felling their forest. | Women are not closer to nature by an essential feminine quality. Poor rural women depend on forests, fuel and water because of the gendered division of labour and their lack of property. Focus on material realities such as women's land rights. |
For law: how environmental damage and climate change fall more heavily on women, and why women's land rights matter.
Pragmatic Feminism
Less a theory than a way of solving problems. Pragmatists distrust grand theories with one answer for every situation, ask what actually helps real women here and now, and revise the answer when conditions change. Margaret Jane Radin described the double bind: sometimes every available choice harms women.
Paid surrogacy or sex work: a ban takes away an income the poorest women may badly need; permission may deepen the treatment of women's bodies as commodities. The pragmatist chooses the least harmful option for now and keeps watching its effects.
Post-Modern Feminism
Drawing on thinkers such as Michel Foucault, it questions any single truth about women: categories like man, woman, natural and normal are produced by language, knowledge and power. There is no one essential woman, and every claim to speak for all women hides someone's experience. Chandra Talpade Mohanty showed how Western feminist writing presented the "third world woman" as one helpless victim, ignoring differences and agency.
Powerful as criticism, the approach creates a practical problem: without a stable category of women, on whose behalf can feminists demand laws? Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's answer is strategic essentialism: a group may use a shared identity for a political purpose, such as winning a law, knowing that the identity is neither fixed nor complete. So law reform can use the category of women without believing that all women are the same.
Comparing the Feminist Theories
A law allows only men to work night shifts in factories. Each theory opens a different question.
| Theory | Question about the night-shift law |
|---|---|
| Equal treatment | Invalid: men and women must be treated alike. |
| Cultural feminism | Should workplaces be redesigned for every worker with care duties, male or female? |
| Dominance theory | Does the law keep women economically dependent on men? |
| Intersectionality | Which women are hit hardest: perhaps poor, Dalit or migrant women? |
| Pragmatism | What safety measures would let women who want night work do it safely? |
| Post-modernism | Why does the law assume the woman is always the one in danger? |
Examiners, including in the UGC NET, often ask candidates to match a theory with its thinker.
| Theory | Thinkers |
|---|---|
| Equal treatment | Aristotle (likes alike), Ruth Bader Ginsburg |
| Cultural feminism | Carol Gilligan (ethic of care), Robin West (connection thesis) |
| Dominance theory | Catharine MacKinnon (hierarchy, not difference) |
| Intersectionality | Kimberle Crenshaw; Uma Chakravarti (Brahmanical patriarchy) |
| Queer perspectives | Adrienne Rich (compulsory heterosexuality), Janet Halley (governance feminism) |
| Eco-feminism | Françoise d'Eaubonne, Vandana Shiva; critic Bina Agarwal |
| Pragmatic feminism | Margaret Jane Radin (double bind) |
| Post-modern feminism | Chandra Talpade Mohanty; Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (strategic essentialism) |
Feminist Legal Methods
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Methods move from theory to practice. A method is a way of doing legal work: reading a statute, arguing a case or writing a judgment. Katharine Bartlett (1990) described three feminist legal methods.
| Bartlett's term | Other writers' term |
|---|---|
| Asking the woman question | Unmasking patriarchy |
| Feminist practical reasoning | Contextual reasoning |
| Consciousness raising | Consciousness raising |
1. Unmasking patriarchy
Patriarchy is a social system in which men hold the main power in the family, the economy and the State. Much of it hides inside neutral-looking rules, so this method asks the woman question: have women been left out of this rule? Does a neutral-looking rule actually harm women? If so, how can it be changed?
A police force requires every recruit to be at least 170 centimetres tall. The rule never mentions women, but far more women than men fail it. The woman question exposes the hidden bias and asks whether that height is really needed for the job.
2. Contextual reasoning
Instead of picking a few abstract facts and applying a general rule, it looks at the whole situation: relationships, history and unequal power. It does not reject rules but applies them with attention to real lives. On consent to sex, for instance, a court should look at the woman's relationship with the accused, her fear and his power over her, not simply whether she physically resisted; the definition of consent in criminal law now reflects this (Unit 4).
3. Consciousness raising
It began in small women's groups in the 1960s, where women discovered that what each thought was a private problem was common to many; shared experience became knowledge about power. In law it works through testimonies, public hearings, protests and social media. Me Too is a form of it, and an open letter by four law teachers helped change India's rape law (Mathura case, below).
Unmask the hidden bias, reason from the real context, and let shared experience become legal knowledge.
The Women's Movement in India
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Nineteenth century
- Male reformers: Raja Ram Mohan Roy against sati; Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar for widow remarriage.
- Savitribai Phule, with Jyotirao Phule, opened a school for girls in Pune in 1848.
- Pandita Ramabai worked for widows and wrote about the condition of high caste Hindu women.
- Tarabai Shinde (1882) wrote a sharp comparison of men and women, attacking her society's double standards.
Rewriting history
A.S. Altekar (1938) described a golden Vedic age of high status for women followed by a long decline. Uma Chakravarti challenged this: it looked only at upper caste women, served a nationalist wish for a glorious past, and ignored how caste, class and the State shaped relations between men and women.
From articulation to accommodation (Neera Desai)
The sociologist Neera Desai described the Indian women's movement as moving from articulation to accommodation.
| Before Independence: articulation | After Independence: accommodation |
|---|---|
| Women's organisations such as the All India Women's Conference (founded 1927) worked inside the national movement and social reform agenda, articulating women's demands within those causes. | Many believed the Constitution had settled the question of equality. |
In December 1974 the Committee on the Status of Women in India submitted Towards Equality. It showed the sex ratio had fallen from 972 women per 1,000 men in 1901 to 930 in 1971, and that most women remained poor and outside political power, shaking the belief that equality had been achieved. From the late 1970s an autonomous women's movement articulated its own demands, independent of political parties.
Four campaigns that shaped the law
The Mathura case (September 1978): two policemen were accused of raping a young tribal girl inside a police station. Held: the Supreme Court acquitted them, as she was not shown to be under fear and the intercourse was not proved to be without her consent. In 1979 four law teachers, Upendra Baxi, Lotika Sarkar, Raghunath Kelkar and Vasudha Dhagamwar, criticised it in an open letter to the Chief Justice of India; nationwide protests led to the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1983, creating aggravated offences such as custodial rape, with a presumption of absence of consent in those cases (judgment examined in Unit 6).
- Rape by men in power: the Mathura case.
- Dowry deaths: women's groups showed that many so-called kitchen accidents were murders, leading to Section 498A of the Indian Penal Code (1983) and the offence of dowry death (1986).
- Maintenance of divorced Muslim women: the debate after the Shah Bano judgment of 1985 (Unit 3).
- Sexual harassment: the gang rape of Bhanwari Devi in Rajasthan in 1992 led to the Vishaka guidelines (Unit 5).
After December 2012
The gang rape and murder of a young woman in Delhi in December 2012 brought huge protests. A committee headed by Justice J.S. Verma reported within about a month, and the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 2013 widened the definition of rape, defined consent, and created new offences such as stalking, voyeurism and acid attack. These offences continue in the B.N.S., 2023, which replaced the Indian Penal Code from 1 July 2024.
Constitutional Values and Law-Making
Fifteen women sat in the Constituent Assembly, among them Hansa Mehta, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, Durgabai Deshmukh and Dakshayani Velayudhan, the only Dalit woman member. They helped secure a Constitution that promises equality without distinction of sex.
B.R. Ambedkar, as Law Minister, piloted the Hindu Code Bill to give Hindu women rights in marriage, divorce and inheritance. Facing fierce opposition, he resigned from the Cabinet in 1951, citing the stalling of the Bill as one of his reasons. It was later enacted in parts, including the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 and the Hindu Succession Act, 1956.
Transformative constitutionalism: the Supreme Court has described the Constitution as transformative, meant not merely to preserve society as it is but to change it towards equality and dignity. Constitutional morality: constitutional values such as equality, liberty and dignity must prevail over popular or social morality. Both were central to the 2018 judgments on Section 377, adultery and the Sabarimala temple.
The Sabarimala judgment (2018): Held: by four to one, the exclusion of women aged 10 to 50 from the temple was struck down, Justice Indu Malhotra dissenting. Review petitions led to a reference of wider questions on religious freedom to a nine-judge bench, which heard arguments in 2026 and has reserved judgment.
Feminist thought in law-making
- National Commission for Women: set up in 1992 under a law of 1990.
- Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005: the result of years of work by women's groups and lawyers.
- Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2013: grew out of the Vishaka guidelines.
Feminists also debate whether relying on criminal law is always wise, a question that recurs throughout the subject.
Unit Three: Marriage and the Family
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (49:39)
Why the family matters in law
The slogan "the personal is political" (Unit Two) is tested most inside marriage and the family. States long treated the family as a private kingdom the law should not enter, yet what happens inside it decides whether a woman can study, work, vote freely, or even stay alive.
International law now recognises the State's positive obligations inside the home. Under the due diligence standard (Unit One), the State must prevent, investigate and punish violence even when a husband or a relative commits it.
Marriage as a Gendered Institution
Heterosexuality and unequal age in the statutes
- Section 5, Hindu Marriage Act, 1955: a marriage may be solemnised between any two Hindus if certain conditions are met. The conditions speak of a bridegroom who has completed 21 years and a bride who has completed 18 years.
- Section 4, Special Marriage Act, 1954 (marriage across religions): similarly speaks of "the male" and "the female".
Heterosexuality is thus written into the very conditions of a valid marriage. The higher age for the man reflects an old assumption that the husband is the mature provider and the wife the younger dependant. A bill to raise women's marriage age to 21 was introduced in Parliament in 2021 but lapsed in 2024 without being passed.
A woman's choice of partner
Families often resist a woman's own choice of partner; the law must protect it.
Shafin Jahan v. Asokan K.M. (2018): Hadiya, an adult woman, converted to Islam and married a man of her choice. On her father's habeas corpus petition, the Kerala High Court annulled the marriage. Held: The Supreme Court set that order aside. Per Justice D.Y. Chandrachud, neither the State nor the law can dictate a choice of partners. Principle: That choice lies at the heart of personal liberty.
Shakti Vahini v. Union of India (2018): Held: Khap panchayats and families cannot interfere with the marriage of two consenting adults in the name of honour. The Court laid down preventive, remedial and punitive measures against honour crimes.
Adultery: the wife as property
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (52:26)
Marriage law also treated the wife as belonging to her husband (coverture, Unit One). Its clearest Indian survival was the crime of adultery under Section 497 IPC:
- it punished a man who had sexual intercourse with another man's wife without the consent or connivance of that man;
- the wife could not be punished, even as an abettor;
- she could not prosecute her own husband for adultery;
- only the woman's husband could complain.
Joseph Shine v. Union of India (2018): decided in September 2018. Held: A five-judge bench unanimously struck down Section 497 and the related procedural provision. The section treated the wife as her husband's property: if the husband consented, there was no crime at all. The law protected not the woman, but the husband's control over her sexuality. It violated Articles 14, 15 and 21.
Adultery remains a ground for divorce but is no longer a crime, and the B.N.S. does not contain it. In 2023 the Court clarified that the judgment does not stop the armed forces from taking disciplinary action for such conduct under their own laws.
A law that makes the husband's consent the key to the crime treats the wife as property.
Is Marriage Inherently Heterosexual?
| John Finnis (natural law) | Andrew Koppelman (American scholar) |
|---|---|
| Marriage is a distinct good: a lifelong union of a man and a woman, oriented to having and raising children, and expressed in sexual acts of the reproductive kind. | If marriage is about reproduction, why does the law allow infertile and elderly couples to marry? |
| Same-sex unions, whatever their value as friendships, cannot be marriages. | The natural law account cannot explain those marriages, so it cannot justify excluding same-sex couples. |
This debate lies beneath every case on queer relationships.
From Koushal to Navtej: Section 377
Before marriage, the first battle was against criminalisation. Section 377 IPC punished "carnal intercourse against the order of nature" and was used to harass and blackmail gay men, transgender persons and others.
Naz Foundation v. Government of NCT of Delhi (2009): Delhi High Court, July 2009; Chief Justice A.P. Shah and Justice S. Muralidhar. Held: Section 377 violated Articles 14, 15 and 21, so far as it covered consensual sexual acts of adults in private. Principle: Sexual orientation is a ground analogous to sex under Article 15.
Suresh Kumar Koushal v. Naz Foundation (2013): Supreme Court, December 2013; Justice G.S. Singhvi and Justice S.J. Mukhopadhaya. Held: Naz reversed; Section 377 constitutional. Only a minuscule fraction of the population is lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender, and any change was for Parliament. Criticism: Fundamental rights do not depend on how many people claim them.
Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India (2018): five judges, 6 September 2018. The petitioners included a dancer, a chef, a journalist and a hotelier who lived under the shadow of the law. Held: Unanimously, Section 377 is unconstitutional so far as it criminalised consensual sexual acts between adults in private; Koushal overruled. The section continued to apply to non-consensual acts, acts with minors, and bestiality.
Reasons in Navtej:
- Article 14: the section was manifestly arbitrary.
- Article 15: discrimination based on sexual orientation is discrimination on the ground of sex, because it rests on stereotypes about how men and women should behave (Justice D.Y. Chandrachud).
- Article 21: sexual orientation is part of privacy, dignity and autonomy.
- Constitutional morality, not social morality, must guide the Court.
Position under the B.N.S.
The B.N.S., in force from 1 July 2024, has no provision like Section 377. The colonial offence is gone, but a gap remains:
- rape under Section 63 B.N.S. protects only women, so a forced sexual act against an adult man is not rape under the new law;
- the only specific offence for sexual abuse of a transgender person, in the Transgender Persons Act, carries a much lighter punishment.
Supriyo and the Limits of Recognition
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (57:34)
Supriyo alias Supriya Chakraborty v. Union of India (2023): after Navtej, same-sex couples sought the right to marry; five judges heard more than twenty petitions and decided on 17 October 2023. Held: Four points unanimous, two points split 3:2 (below). Same-sex marriage is not legally recognised in India.
Unanimous points
- The Constitution does not recognise an unqualified fundamental right to marry.
- The Court cannot strike down the Special Marriage Act or read words into it to include same-sex couples; the choice belongs to Parliament.
- Queer persons have the right to choose a partner and live together without harassment, and the State must protect them.
- A transgender person in a heterosexual relationship, for example a transgender man and a woman, can marry under the existing marriage laws.
The 3:2 split
| Issue | Majority: Justice S. Ravindra Bhat, Justice Hima Kohli, Justice P.S. Narasimha | Minority: Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud, Justice S.K. Kaul |
|---|---|---|
| Civil union | The Constitution does not require the State to recognise a civil union of queer couples; the Court cannot create such a status. | Would have recognised the right of queer couples to enter into a union. |
| Joint adoption | Upheld the rule barring unmarried couples, and so queer couples, from adopting jointly. | Would have struck it down. |
After the judgment
- The Court recorded the government's promise of a committee under the Cabinet Secretary to examine practical entitlements of queer couples: ration cards, joint bank accounts, nominations, medical decisions. It was set up in April 2024.
- Review petitions were dismissed in January 2025.
Two readings of Supriyo, both to be argued: a failure to carry forward the equality reasoning of Navtej; or value in leaving a large social change to Parliament, where it may gain wider legitimacy.
Limited recognition by High Courts
Arun Kumar v. Inspector General of Registration (2019): Madras High Court, April 2019, Justice G.R. Swaminathan. Held: A marriage between a man and a transgender woman, solemnised in a temple, was valid under the Hindu Marriage Act; "bride" includes a transgender woman who identifies as a woman. The State was also directed to stop sex normalising surgeries on intersex infants, who cannot consent to them.
In May 2025 a Madras High Court bench of Justice G.R. Swaminathan and Justice V. Lakshminarayanan freed a young woman whom her family had confined because of her relationship with another woman. The Court said that marriage is not the only way to found a family, and accepted the idea of a chosen family.
The Virilocal Family and the Matrimonial Home
Virilocal marriage (the pattern in most Indian communities): the bride leaves her parents' home and moves into the home of her husband and his family.
Legal effects: the woman is often treated as a guest in her parents' house and an outsider in her husband's, and usually owns nothing in either. When violence begins she has nowhere to go, and her labour in the husband's household is taken for granted. Courts have sometimes reinforced this structure.
Narendra v. K. Meena (2016): Supreme Court, October 2016; a husband sought divorce for cruelty. The wife had repeatedly pressed him to leave his parents and live separately, threatened suicide, and made a false allegation about his character. Held: Divorce granted. It is not a common practice or a desirable culture for a Hindu son in India to separate from his parents after marriage at the instance of the wife; a son has a pious obligation to maintain his parents. Feminist critique: The reasoning treats the joint virilocal family as normal and correct, and a wife's wish for a separate home as a deviation she must justify.
Restitution of Conjugal Rights
Section 9, Hindu Marriage Act: if one spouse withdraws from the society of the other without reasonable excuse, the court may order the spouse to return. Other marriage laws have similar remedies. It sounds neutral, but husbands use it far more often, sometimes to counter the wife's maintenance claim.
T. Sareetha v. T. Venkata Subbaiah (1983): Andhra Pradesh High Court, Justice P.A. Choudary. Held: Section 9 struck down; a decree compelling a woman to live with a man and have sexual relations with him violates her privacy and dignity under Article 21.
Harvinder Kaur v. Harmander Singh Choudhry (1983): Delhi High Court, later the same year. Held: Disagreed with Sareetha; bringing constitutional law into the home was like bringing a bull into a china shop.
Saroj Rani v. Sudarshan Kumar Chadha (1984): Held: The Supreme Court upheld Section 9. The remedy serves the social purpose of preserving marriage, and a decree is enforced only by attaching property, never by physically forcing a spouse to return.
A fresh challenge relying on the 2017 privacy judgment has been pending before the Supreme Court since 2019.
Domestic Violence Act and the Shared Household
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (1:03:50)
The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 is the most important civil law on violence in the home. Earlier, a woman could file a criminal complaint or seek divorce, but many wanted neither prison for the husband nor the end of the marriage; they wanted the violence to stop, and a roof over their heads. The Act gives civil remedies through a Magistrate.
Aggrieved person: any woman who is, or has been, in a domestic relationship with the respondent and who alleges domestic violence.
Domestic relationship (Section 2(f)): a relationship between two persons who live, or have at any time lived, together in a shared household, related by blood, marriage, a relationship in the nature of marriage, adoption, or as members of a joint family.
So the Act protects wives, and also mothers, sisters, daughters, widows and women in live-in relationships.
Domestic violence (Section 3) covers physical abuse, sexual abuse, verbal and emotional abuse, and economic abuse. Economic abuse includes depriving a woman of money or resources she is entitled to, and disposing of her property.
Reliefs: protection orders (Section 18), residence orders (Section 19), monetary relief (Section 20), custody orders and compensation. Breach of a protection order is itself an offence (Section 31).
The respondent
Section 2(q) defined the respondent as an "adult male person", so a woman could not proceed against her mother-in-law or sister-in-law alone.
Hiral P. Harsora v. Kusum Narottamdas Harsora (2016): Supreme Court, October 2016. Held: The words "adult male" struck down. Violence can be committed by women and minors too; the restriction defeated the object of the Act and violated Article 14. A complaint can now be made against a female relative as well.
The shared household
Section 17 gives every woman in a domestic relationship the right to reside in the shared household, whether or not she has any right, title or interest in it. What if the house belongs to her mother-in-law?
S.R. Batra v. Taruna Batra (2006): Supreme Court, December 2006. Held (a narrow answer): A shared household means only a house belonging to or rented by the husband, or a joint family house of which he is a member; the mother-in-law's house was excluded. This left many women without a home.
Satish Chander Ahuja v. Sneha Ahuja (2020): October 2020; three judges, judgment by Justice Ashok Bhushan. Held: Batra overruled. A shared household is the house where the woman lived in a domestic relationship; it need not belong to the husband and may belong to his relatives. Balance: the right of residence protects her against eviction except by due process; it is not ownership, and the rights of elderly in-laws must be weighed.
| Point | S.R. Batra (2006) | Satish Chander Ahuja (2020) |
|---|---|---|
| Shared household | House of the husband (owned or rented) or joint family house of which he is a member | House where the woman lived in a domestic relationship |
| In-laws' house | Excluded | Included |
A relationship in the nature of marriage
D. Velusamy v. D. Patchaiammal (2010): Supreme Court, October 2010. Held: Four requirements laid down (key point below). A man's "keep", maintained mainly for sex or as a servant, would not qualify. Criticism: Feminists found the word "keep" degrading to women.
Velusamy requirements: (1) the couple hold themselves out to society as being like spouses; (2) they are of legal age to marry; (3) they are otherwise qualified to marry, including being unmarried; (4) they have lived together voluntarily for a significant period.
Indra Sarma v. V.K.V. Sarma (2013): Supreme Court, November 2013. A woman lived for years with a man she knew to be married and the father of two children. Held: Not a relationship in the nature of marriage, so no relief under the Act. Guiding factors: duration, shared household, pooling of resources, domestic arrangements, sexual relationship, children, public presentation as a couple, and intention. The Court urged Parliament to protect women in such relationships, who are often left without remedy. Criticism: The more vulnerable partner is left unprotected while the man faces no consequence.
Live-in relationships under the Uttarakhand Uniform Civil Code
In force since 27 January 2025, it requires live-in couples to register, punishes failure to do so, and allows a woman deserted by her live-in partner to claim maintenance. Supporters see protection for women; critics see an intrusion into private choices. It has been challenged in the Uttarakhand High Court.
Families Beyond Blood and Adoption
The law imagines families built on blood, marriage or adoption. Many real families differ: step-families, foster families, single parents, unmarried couples, queer families, and the guru and chela households of the hijra community. These are neither consanguineous (based on blood) nor based on adoption.
Deepika Singh v. Central Administrative Tribunal (2022): Supreme Court, August 2022. A nursing officer in a government institute married a man with two children from his first marriage and took child care leave for them. On the birth of her own child, maternity leave was refused because she already had two surviving children. Held (Justice D.Y. Chandrachud): She was entitled to maternity leave. The law must not assume every family is a married mother, a father and their children; families may be unmarried partnerships, queer relationships, single parent households or step-families. Principle: Such atypical families are as real as traditional ones and deserve the protection of law and the benefits of welfare legislation.
Other rules still assume the traditional family. The adoption regulations of 2022 let a single woman adopt a child of any gender but bar a single man from adopting a girl, and let a couple adopt only after at least two years of a stable marital relationship, which excludes unmarried and queer couples.
Guardianship
Section 6, Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act, 1956: the natural guardian of a minor is the father, and after him, the mother. Feminist litigation changed this.
Gita Hariharan v. Reserve Bank of India (1999): Supreme Court, February 1999. A mother applied to invest money in her son's name; the bank insisted on the father's signature. Held: "After" means in the absence of the father, including his absence from the child's care. So a mother can act as natural guardian even while the father is alive.
ABC v. State (NCT of Delhi) (2015): Held: An unmarried mother may apply to be the sole guardian of her child without notice to the father. Principle: The child's welfare comes first.
Violence in the Home and the Criminal Law
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (1:11:32)
In 1983, after the campaign against dowry deaths, Parliament added Section 498A to the IPC, punishing a husband or his relative who subjects a woman to cruelty. Cruelty meant:
- wilful conduct likely to drive the woman to suicide, or to cause grave injury or danger to her life, limb or health, mental or physical; or
- harassment to force her or her relatives to meet an unlawful demand for property, such as dowry.
In 1986 Parliament added dowry death: the death of a woman by burns, bodily injury or otherwise than in normal circumstances within seven years of marriage, where she was subjected to cruelty for dowry soon before her death.
| Subject | Earlier law | Present provision |
|---|---|---|
| Cruelty by husband or relative | Section 498A IPC (1983) | Section 85 B.N.S.: up to three years and fine |
| Definition of cruelty | Section 498A IPC | Section 86 B.N.S., same words |
| Dowry death | Added to the IPC in 1986 | Section 80 B.N.S.: at least seven years, extendable to life |
| Presumption: abetment of a married woman's suicide | Earlier evidence law | Section 117 B.S.A. |
| Presumption: dowry death | Earlier evidence law | Section 118 B.S.A. |
Exam tip: judiciary examinations often test exactly this move from the old numbers to the new ones, so learn the table well.
The Subversion of Criminal Law
Soon after Section 498A was enacted, a narrative of misuse grew.
Sushil Kumar Sharma v. Union of India (2005): Held: The Supreme Court upheld Section 498A, but warned that its misuse could unleash a new "legal terrorism".
Arnesh Kumar v. State of Bihar (2014): Held: Arrests must not be automatic. Police must record reasons under the arrest checklist in the CrPC (now Section 35 B.N.S.S.), and magistrates must not authorise detention mechanically. The direction covers every offence punishable with up to seven years and is sound criminal procedure.
Rajesh Sharma v. State of Uttar Pradesh (2017): Held: Two judges directed that cruelty complaints first go to Family Welfare Committees of volunteers, with normally no arrest until the committee reported.
Social Action Forum for Manav Adhikar v. Union of India (2018): Held: Three judges withdrew that direction; courts cannot create such a filter by judicial order, as that is the legislature's work.
Shivangi Bansal v. Sahib Bansal (2025): 22 July 2025; Chief Justice B.R. Gavai and Justice Augustine George Masih. Held: Allahabad High Court guidelines of 2022 shall remain in effect: no arrest or coercive action for two months after a cruelty complaint is registered, and during this "cooling period" the matter goes to a Family Welfare Committee. Criticism: It revives what a larger bench withdrew in 2018 and can delay protection for women in danger.
Policymakers and the feminist response
- Justice Malimath Committee on criminal justice reforms (2003): supported relaxing the rigour of the offence.
- Legislators carried the offence into the B.N.S. unchanged, but kept the marital rape exception (Unit Four).
- Feminist lawyers call these steps the subversion of criminal law by courts and policymakers. Senior advocate Indira Jaising argued after Arnesh Kumar that the law shows concern for women after they are dead, in dowry death cases, but treats living women who complain with suspicion; low conviction rates reflect poor investigation and prosecution, not false cases.
- Law Commission, 243rd Report (2012), a middle view: misuse, whose extent no empirical study had established, is not by itself a ground to abolish the section or take away its teeth. It recommended making the offence compoundable with the court's permission, so that genuine settlements can be recorded.
Mandatory arrest and carceral feminism
In the United States many feminists supported mandatory arrest and no-drop prosecution: the police must arrest, and the prosecutor must continue the case even if the victim wants to withdraw. Claire Houston traced how feminist legal theory shaped these policies.
| Supporters | Critics |
|---|---|
| Protect women too afraid to act; declare domestic violence a public wrong. | Take away the woman's own choice; may increase danger when the man returns; fall most heavily on poor and minority communities. |
Carceral feminism: feminism relying mainly on police and prisons. The Domestic Violence Act chose a different path: a civil remedy the woman herself controls, with criminal punishment only for breach of a protection order.
Opuz v. Turkey (2009): European Court of Human Rights. Turkey failed to protect a woman and her mother from years of violence by the woman's husband, who finally killed the mother; proceedings were repeatedly dropped when the women withdrew their complaints. Held: Violations of the right to life and the ban on ill-treatment; and, for the first time, the State's failure to protect women from domestic violence was discrimination on the basis of sex. Principle: The due diligence principle requires active protection.
Breakdown of Marriage
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (1:18:08)
- Section 13, Hindu Marriage Act: divorce on fault grounds such as cruelty, adultery, desertion for two years, or conversion.
- Section 13B (added 1976): divorce by mutual consent after living separately for a year; a six-month waiting period follows, which the Supreme Court has held can be waived in suitable cases.
Irretrievable breakdown is not a ground in the Act. The Law Commission recommended it in 1978 and 2009; a bill containing it passed the Rajya Sabha in 2013 but lapsed.
Shilpa Sailesh v. Varun Sreenivasan (2023): Constitution Bench, 1 May 2023. Held: The Supreme Court itself can dissolve a marriage for irretrievable breakdown under Article 142, its power to do complete justice. Principle: A discretion to be used with care, not a right a spouse can demand.
Feminists are divided on easier divorce. It frees women from abusive marriages without long fights. But many Indian women are economically dependent; if the husband can leave easily and the wife has no share in property built during the marriage, divorce can push her into poverty. So feminist lawyers argue that easier divorce must come with a fair share in matrimonial property. Indian law generally does not recognise such a share, except in Goa, whose family law, inherited from the Portuguese period, treats most property of the spouses as common. The lapsed bill had proposed a share for the wife in the husband's property.
Maintenance after Divorce
The Shah Bano story shows the tension between gender justice and religious personal law.
Mohd. Ahmed Khan v. Shah Bano Begum (1985): April 1985. The husband divorced his wife after more than forty years of marriage, arguing that Muslim personal law required maintenance only during iddat, about three months after divorce. Held: A Constitution Bench held Section 125 CrPC a secular provision applying to Muslims too; it allows a wife unable to maintain herself, including a divorced wife who has not remarried, to claim maintenance. Aftermath: The judgment provoked protests, and Parliament passed the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986, which seemed to confine her claim to the iddat period.
Danial Latifi v. Union of India (2001): Held: The 1986 Act upheld by a generous reading. The husband must make a reasonable and fair provision for the wife's future within the iddat period, and this provision is not limited to that period.
Mohd. Abdul Samad v. State of Telangana (2024): 10 July 2024; Justice B.V. Nagarathna and Justice Augustine George Masih. Held: The 1986 Act does not take away a divorced Muslim woman's right to maintenance under Section 125 CrPC, now Section 144 B.N.S.S. Justice Nagarathna also urged husbands to recognise homemaker wives' contribution, for example by opening joint bank accounts (Unit Five).
Rajnesh v. Neha (2020): Supreme Court, November 2020; maintenance cases were often battles over hidden incomes. Held: Both parties must file affidavits disclosing assets and liabilities, and maintenance should run from the date of the application.
Triple Talaq
Talaq-e-biddat (triple talaq): an instant divorce in which the husband ends the marriage at once by pronouncing talaq three times.
Shayara Bano v. Union of India (2017): five judges, 22 August 2017. Held: Practice set aside by 3:2. Justice R.F. Nariman and Justice U.U. Lalit: manifestly arbitrary, so invalid under Article 14. Justice Kurian Joseph: against the Quran, so no legal sanctity. Dissent: Chief Justice J.S. Khehar and Justice S. Abdul Nazeer treated it as personal law protected by Article 25, but asked Parliament to legislate.
The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019 declares triple talaq void and illegal; makes pronouncing it an offence punishable with up to three years' imprisonment and fine; and entitles the wife to a subsistence allowance and custody of her minor children. Supporters say punishment is a needed deterrent. Critics ask why an act the Supreme Court had already made legally void should be a crime, and how a husband in prison will pay maintenance. The Act's validity has been challenged before the Supreme Court.
Stridhan and the Family Courts
Stridhan: property a woman receives before, at or after marriage, such as jewellery and gifts.
Pratibha Rani v. Suraj Kumar (1985): Held (Supreme Court): Stridhan is the woman's absolute property; a husband who refuses to return it may be guilty of criminal breach of trust.
The Family Courts Act, 1984 created special courts meant to be informal and quick, with a duty to attempt settlement. Feminist lawyers such as Flavia Agnes criticise them for pressing women towards reconciliation and compromise, sometimes at the cost of their safety and rights.
Applying the Law: An Illustration
Zoya marries Farhan and moves into his parents' house, which belongs to his father. Farhan's mother taunts her and his brother slaps her. Zoya can seek protection and residence orders under the Domestic Violence Act against all of them, including her mother-in-law. Dowry harassment gives a criminal case for cruelty under Section 85 B.N.S. If the marriage ends, she can claim maintenance under the B.N.S.S. and the return of her stridhan. But she has no share in the house or the savings built during the marriage, a gap taken up in Unit Five.
Unit 4: Privacy and Autonomy of the Body
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (1:25:08)
Who owns a woman's body? The law has not always said that she does: the family decided whom a daughter would marry, the husband claimed a right to sex with his wife, the State decided whether a woman could end a pregnancy, and doctors decided whether a woman was a "real woman" for sport.
Bodily autonomy is a person's right to make decisions about their own body. Privacy protects those decisions.
The foundation: the privacy judgment
Justice K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India (24 August 2017, nine judges): Held unanimously that privacy is a fundamental right, protected by Article 21 and the other freedoms in Part III. Principle: the plurality opinion of Justice D.Y. Chandrachud held that privacy includes decisional autonomy, the freedom to make intimate personal choices about sexual orientation, marriage and reproduction.
The feminist critique: privacy's double edge
Feminists such as Catharine MacKinnon warned that privacy has often been a shield hiding the husband's violence behind the closed door of the home. The Puttaswamy opinion addressed this:
- privacy must not be used as a cover to conceal and assert patriarchal mindsets;
- yet women have an inviolable interest in privacy, which protects them against State programmes such as forced sterilisation;
- the challenge is to let the State take violence against women in the home seriously while protecting women's own privacy and autonomy.
Privacy cuts both ways: it can hide domestic violence, and it protects women against State intrusion. This double edge runs through all of Unit 4.
Reproductive Rights
Reproductive rights: the right to decide whether, when and how to have children, and the right to the information and health care needed for those decisions. They include the right to have a child as well as the right not to have one.
Suchita Srivastava v. Chandigarh Administration (August 2009): a woman with a mild mental disability, living in a government welfare institution, became pregnant after an alleged rape there. On the administration's request, the High Court ordered termination, although she wished to have the child. Held: a three-judge bench led by Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan reversed the order; since the statute required even such a woman's consent for termination, her wish to carry the pregnancy to term had to be respected. Principle: a woman's right to make reproductive choices is a dimension of personal liberty under Article 21, covering the choice to procreate and to abstain from procreating. This was the Supreme Court's first clear statement of the right.
The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971
Substantially amended in 2021. The Act does not give a woman a right to abortion on request; it protects doctors who terminate a pregnancy when its conditions are met.
| Stage of pregnancy | Conditions |
|---|---|
| Up to 20 weeks | Opinion of one registered medical practitioner. |
| 20 to 24 weeks | Two doctors must agree, and only for special categories in the rules: survivors of rape or incest, minors, women whose marital status changed during the pregnancy, women with disabilities, and foetal malformation. |
| After 24 weeks | Only for substantial foetal abnormalities diagnosed by a medical board. |
| At any time | To save the woman's life. |
Grounds: continuing the pregnancy would risk the woman's life or cause grave injury to her physical or mental health, or there is a substantial risk of serious abnormality in the child.
Explanation (contraceptive failure): where a pregnancy results from the failure of a contraceptive used by any woman or her partner, the anguish may be presumed to injure her mental health. Before 2021, it spoke only of a married woman and her husband.
Feminist critique: the design keeps the doctor, not the woman, at the centre; she must persuade the doctor, and sometimes a board or a court. Still, the Supreme Court has read the Act in the light of autonomy.
X v. Principal Secretary, Health and Family Welfare Department, Government of NCT of Delhi (September 2022): an unmarried woman whose relationship had ended sought to terminate a 22-week pregnancy. Held (bench led by Justice D.Y. Chandrachud): the rules must be read to cover single women; a married/unmarried distinction has no rational basis and rests on the stereotype that only married women have sex. For this Act, "rape" includes forced sex by a husband. Principle: a married woman pregnant through such an act can use the category meant for survivors of sexual assault.
The 26-week pregnancy case (October 2023): a married mother of two sought to end a pregnancy of about 26 weeks, citing post-natal depression. Held: a three-judge bench led by Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud refused, as the foetus was viable with no abnormality and the statutory limit had passed. Principle: autonomy under the Act has limits; the case shows the tension between a woman's choice and the State's interest in a viable foetus, which every legal system must resolve.
Sex Selection, Sterilisation and Surrogacy
Sex selection
The Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act, 1994 prohibits sex selection, because son preference has produced a skewed sex ratio. Feminists support this goal but warn that the fight against sex selection must not become a campaign against abortion itself, which would harm all women.
Sterilisation and State control
During the Emergency (1975 to 1977), men and women were subjected to forced sterilisation. Later, the burden of family planning shifted almost entirely to women.
Devika Biswas v. Union of India (September 2016): women in mass sterilisation camps were operated on in unhygienic conditions, in one case in a school building in Bihar, with little regard for consent or care. Held: such camps violated women's reproductive rights and right to health; the Court directed that they be stopped within three years.
Javed v. State of Haryana (2003): Held: a three-judge bench upheld a State law disqualifying persons with more than two living children from panchayat offices. Feminist critique: such two-child rules fall heavily on women, who have little control over family decisions.
Surrogacy
The Surrogacy (Regulation) Act, 2021 bans commercial surrogacy and allows only altruistic surrogacy. It is open only to:
- a married Indian couple, the woman aged 23 to 50 and the man 26 to 55; and
- an Indian widow or divorcee aged 35 to 45.
Never-married single women, single men and queer couples are excluded. Radin's double bind (Unit 2) returns: the ban protects poor women from exploitation, but denies them an income and limits who may form a family.
Medical Tests and Sex Testing in Sport
Some tests invade the body in the name of verifying sex or character; sport is the clearest example. Women's events exist because, after male puberty, male bodies have on average large advantages in strength and speed, so sports bodies have long tried to decide who counts as female. Humiliating physical inspections gave way to chromosome tests, abandoned in the 1990s as unreliable and degrading; suspicion-based testing continued. The Indian runner Shanthi Soundarajan was stripped of her silver medal from the 2006 Asian Games after such a test.
The Dutee Chand and Semenya cases
In 2011, the International Association of Athletics Federations (now World Athletics) adopted hyperandrogenism regulations barring women with naturally high testosterone from the women's category unless they lowered it by medical treatment. Dutee Chand, an Indian sprinter, was barred and challenged the rules before the Court of Arbitration for Sport, a tribunal in Switzerland that decides sports disputes.
Dutee Chand v. Athletics Federation of India and the International Association of Athletics Federations (Court of Arbitration for Sport, interim award, July 2015): Held: the regulations discriminated on the basis of a natural characteristic, and the federation had not proved that naturally high testosterone gives women a competitive advantage large enough to justify excluding them. The regulations were suspended for two years, with leave to produce better evidence. Dutee Chand went on to compete.
New rules in 2018 covered women with differences of sex development (conditions in which the development of chromosomes, gonads or anatomy is atypical): in events from 400 metres to one mile, they had to reduce testosterone below a fixed level to compete as women. The South African champion Caster Semenya challenged them.
The Caster Semenya litigation: Held (Court of Arbitration for Sport, 2019, majority of two to one): the 2018 rules were discriminatory, but the discrimination was necessary, reasonable and proportionate to protect fair competition in the female category. The later stages appear in the table below.
| Forum | Outcome |
|---|---|
| Swiss Federal Supreme Court | Dismissed her appeal. |
| European Court of Human Rights, Chamber (July 2023) | By four votes to three, Switzerland violated her rights, including the ban on discrimination. |
| European Court of Human Rights, Grand Chamber (July 2025) | Only a violation of her right to a fair hearing, as the Swiss court had not examined her case rigorously enough. Her discrimination and privacy complaints were outside Switzerland's jurisdiction, since she is South African and World Athletics is based in Monaco. |
Stricter rules since then:
- 2023: World Athletics extended testosterone limits to all events and excluded transgender women who have gone through male puberty from the female category.
- 2025: World Athletics introduced a one-time test for the SRY gene (a Y-chromosome gene that triggers male development) for all athletes in the female category.
- March 2026: the International Olympic Committee adopted a policy limiting the female category to biological females, verified by a one-time SRY screening, from the Los Angeles Games of 2028 onwards.
| For eligibility rules | Against sex testing |
|---|---|
| The female category exists to give women fair and safe competition; clear eligibility rules protect the great majority of female athletes. | The tests invade privacy and bodily integrity, force healthy women into medical treatment, and have fallen most often on women from the global South (Dutee Chand, Shanthi Soundarajan, Semenya) whose bodies did not fit a narrow idea of femininity. |
Exam tip: connect the sex-testing debate to privacy and dignity under Article 21 and to the NALSA case (Unit 1).
Virginity Tests and the Two-Finger Test
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (1:37:45)
For decades, doctors examining rape survivors in India performed the two-finger test, inserting fingers into the vagina to comment on its laxity and so on whether the woman was habituated to sex. The test has no scientific value, humiliates the survivor again, and invites the stereotype that a sexually active woman cannot be raped.
Lillu alias Rajesh v. State of Haryana (April 2013): Held: the two-finger test violates the survivor's right to privacy, physical and mental integrity and dignity. Principle: even a positive finding cannot give rise to a presumption of consent.
The Health Ministry's guidelines of 2014 banned the test, yet it continued.
State of Jharkhand v. Shailendra Kumar Rai alias Pandav Rai (October 2022, Justice D.Y. Chandrachud and Justice Hima Kohli): Held: any person who conducts the test will be guilty of misconduct; the test must be removed from medical curricula.
Sister Sephy's case (Delhi High Court, February 2023): Sister Sephy, a nun accused in the murder of Sister Abhaya, had been subjected to a virginity test by investigators in 2008. Held (Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma): a virginity test on a woman accused, whether in police or judicial custody, is sexist and unconstitutional. Principle: it violates her dignity under Article 21; the protection extends to women accused of crimes.
Evidence and medical examination
- Section 48, B.S.A.: in prosecutions for rape and related offences, where consent is in issue, evidence of the victim's character or previous sexual experience is not relevant to consent.
- Cross-examination on her general immoral character or previous sexual experience is forbidden.
- Section 184, B.N.S.S.: a survivor may be medically examined only with her consent or that of a person competent to consent on her behalf.
Consent in Intimate Relationships
Consent between intimate partners is one of the most contested topics in Gender and Law.
Consent (Explanation 2 to Section 63, B.N.S.): an unequivocal voluntary agreement when the woman, by words, gestures or any form of verbal or non-verbal communication, communicates willingness to participate in the specific sexual act. Proviso: a woman who does not physically resist penetration shall not, for that reason alone, be regarded as consenting.
This definition came from the 2013 reform and reflects feminist contextual reasoning: silence or submission is not consent.
Presumed consent in marriage: Hale's doctrine
In seventeenth-century England, Sir Matthew Hale wrote that a husband cannot be guilty of raping his wife, because by marriage she has given herself to him, a consent she cannot withdraw. English law followed this for centuries.
R v. R (1991): Held: the House of Lords held that the fiction of implied consent has no place in modern law, since marriage is now a partnership of equals. Principle: the husband's immunity was abandoned; the European Court of Human Rights later agreed that this was consistent with human dignity and freedom.
The marital rape exception
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (1:41:24)
Indian law took a different path. Exception 2 to Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code: sexual intercourse by a man with his own wife, the wife not being under 15 years of age, is not rape.
Independent Thought v. Union of India (October 2017, Justice Madan B. Lokur and Justice Deepak Gupta): Held: the age in the exception must be read as 18, protecting married girls between 15 and 18. The question of adult wives was expressly left open.
- Exception 2 to Section 63, B.N.S.: sexual intercourse or sexual acts by a man with his own wife, the wife not being under 18, is not rape.
- Section 67, B.N.S.: a husband who has sexual intercourse with his wife without her consent while she is living separately is punishable with two to seven years' imprisonment.
The pending challenge
RIT Foundation v. Union of India (Delhi High Court, May 2022): Held: a two-judge bench split. Justice Rajiv Shakdher held the exception unconstitutional; Justice C. Hari Shankar upheld it (reasons in the table below).
| Justice Rajiv Shakdher (unconstitutional) | Justice C. Hari Shankar (valid) |
|---|---|
| It denies married women equal protection and treats their consent as irrelevant. | Marriage creates a legitimate expectation of sexual relations, and Parliament may treat marital relations differently. |
Hrishikesh Sahoo v. State of Karnataka (Karnataka High Court, 2022): Held: the Court refused to quash a rape charge against a husband.
Appeals from these cases are pending before a bench of three judges led by Chief Justice Surya Kant, which heard the Union government in September 2026. The government argues that the question belongs to Parliament, and that other remedies, such as the cruelty offence and the Domestic Violence Act, already protect wives. The exception remains law for now.
The debate
Exam tip: the marital rape exception debate is frequently asked in university, judiciary and CLAT PG examinations.
| For removing the exception | For retaining it |
|---|---|
| 1. It violates equality: a wife's consent counts for less than any other woman's. | Criminal law should not enter the marital bedroom. |
| 2. It violates her bodily autonomy and dignity under Article 21, as recognised in the privacy judgment. | False complaints are possible. |
| 3. It rests on Hale's fiction that marriage is permanent consent, rejected by most democracies. | Proof would be difficult. |
| 4. The Justice Verma Committee recommended its removal in 2013. | Other civil and criminal remedies exist. |
Feminists reply that the same arguments were once made about all domestic violence.
Consent outside marriage
Mahmood Farooqui v. State (Government of NCT of Delhi) (Delhi High Court, September 2017): Held: a well-known writer was acquitted of raping an American research scholar who knew him; the Court said that between intimate, educated persons a feeble "no" may sometimes mean "yes". The Supreme Court declined to interfere. Feminist critique: this revived the idea the 2013 definition had rejected, that a woman's "no" must be forceful to count.
Consent obtained by a promise to marry
Pramod Suryabhan Pawar v. State of Maharashtra (August 2019): Held: the Supreme Court distinguished a false promise from a breach of promise (table below). Principle: consent given only because of a promise the man never meant to keep is obtained by misconception.
| False promise | Breach of promise |
|---|---|
| The man never intended to keep his promise, and the woman agreed only because of it: her consent was obtained by misconception. | The man genuinely meant to marry her and later failed to do so: a breach of promise, not rape. |
Section 69, B.N.S. creates a separate offence: sexual intercourse obtained by deceitful means, or by a promise to marry made without any intention of fulfilling it, where the act does not amount to rape. Punishment may extend to ten years' imprisonment. Deceitful means include a false promise of employment or promotion, and marrying after suppressing one's identity.
- Supporters: it protects women deceived into sexual relationships.
- Critics: it treats women as unable to take their own decisions, and may be misused against consensual relationships across religions or castes.
Prostitution and Sex Work
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (1:46:27)
Feminist debate is perhaps sharper here than anywhere else.
In India, selling sex by an adult is not in itself a crime.
The Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956
- Originally the Suppression of Immoral Traffic in Women and Girls Act, enacted to give effect to the international convention on trafficking and prostitution that India signed in 1950.
- Defines prostitution as the sexual exploitation or abuse of persons for commercial purposes.
- Punishes keeping a brothel, living on the earnings of another's prostitution, procuring or detaining persons for prostitution, prostitution in or near public places, and soliciting.
- Allows rescue and detention of women in protective homes.
B.N.S.: Section 143 punishes trafficking (recruiting, transporting or harbouring a person for exploitation by threats, force, fraud or abuse of power); Section 144 punishes anyone who knowingly engages a trafficked person for sexual exploitation.
Models of regulation
| Model | Approach | Examples |
|---|---|---|
| Criminalisation | Criminalises everyone involved. | — |
| Abolitionism | Sale of sex itself not punished; brothels, pimping and soliciting punished. | India broadly |
| Nordic model | Selling decriminalised, buying criminalised; the buyer is the source of harm. | Sweden (first, 1999), Norway, Canada, France, Ireland |
| Decriminalisation or legal regulation | Sex work decriminalised or regulated. | New Zealand (decriminalised 2003); Netherlands and Germany (regulate) |
The feminist debate
| Dominance feminists (e.g. Catharine MacKinnon) | Sex worker organisations and many other feminists |
|---|---|
| Prostitution is sexual exploitation and violence against women, rooted in poverty and male demand. | Sex work is work. |
| Support the Nordic model: it punishes the buyer and treats the woman as a victim. | Criminal laws, raids and forced rescue push sex workers into danger, expose them to police abuse and ignore their choices; they seek labour rights, health services and freedom from harassment. |
- The Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Committee in Sonagachi, Kolkata, has organised sex workers for health and rights.
- Dancers at the Lusty Lady club in San Francisco formed a trade union in the 1990s and later ran the club as a workers' cooperative, using labour law for rights in the sex industry.
- Critics of the Nordic model say punishing buyers still pushes the trade underground and makes sellers less safe.
Budhadev Karmaskar v. State of West Bengal: began as a murder appeal decided in 2011; the Court then took up the rights of sex workers. Held (May 2022, three judges, under Article 142): sex workers are entitled to equal protection of the law and to dignity under Article 21; voluntary sex work by adults is not illegal, only running a brothel is unlawful; police must not harass or arrest consenting adult sex workers; the media must not reveal their identities; they must not be denied identity documents. Principle: this does not legalise the trade; it protects the persons within it.
Neha, an adult, decides to end an unwanted pregnancy at 12 weeks: she needs one doctor's opinion, not her husband's permission. If she were a sprinter, she could argue that intrusive sex tests violate her privacy and dignity. If raped, no doctor could perform the two-finger test on her, and her past could not be used to question her consent. But if her own husband forced her, the law would still not call it rape while she lived with him, a question now before the Supreme Court. Autonomy at home thus lags behind autonomy outside it.
Unit 5: Discrimination in Employment
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (1:51:11)
Autonomy depends on an income of one's own. Gender discrimination works at every stage of employment: it can block entry, limit promotion, create a hostile workplace, punish women for having children, and refuse to count women's work at home.
Unequal access to work
- Official labour surveys show that women's labour force participation has risen recently but remains far below men's; much of the rise is in self-employment and unpaid work in family enterprises, not regular salaried jobs.
- Representation at the top is thinner still. The eighteenth Lok Sabha (elected 2024) began with 74 women among 543 members.
- Only a handful of women have been Supreme Court judges, beginning with Justice Fathima Beevi in 1989. No woman has yet been Chief Justice of India; Justice B.V. Nagarathna is in line to be the first, in 2027.
Representation matters because institutions run almost entirely by men tend to see the world through male experience, which the "woman question" (Unit 2) asks us to notice.
Discriminatory Service Rules
C.B. Muthamma v. Union of India (September 1979): Muthamma, the first woman in the Indian Foreign Service, complained that she was passed over for promotion because she was a woman. The rules required a woman member to get government permission before marrying, allowed the government to ask her to resign after marriage if family commitments seemed to affect her work, and said no married woman was entitled as of right to be appointed. Held: Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer said the bar on married women at first sight defied Article 16, calling it a hangover of a masculine culture that chains women. As the government had deleted the married-women rule and was deleting the permission rule, the Court did not strike them down; she had meanwhile been promoted, and a review of her seniority was directed. Principle: marriage cannot be used to limit a woman's career when no such rule applies to men.
Air India v. Nergesh Meerza (August 1981, three judges): an air hostess retired at 35, or on marriage within four years of joining, or on first pregnancy, whichever came first; male cabin crew (assistant flight pursers) had better terms and longer careers. Held: see the table below. Termination on first pregnancy was called not only a callous and cruel act but an open insult to Indian womanhood.
| Struck down | Upheld |
|---|---|
| Termination on the first pregnancy. | The bar on marriage within four years of joining. |
| The Managing Director's unguided power to grant or refuse extensions (arbitrary). | Different terms for air hostesses and flight pursers, held to be separate classes, so not discrimination only on the ground of sex. |
Sex-plus discrimination: if an employer creates a separate female cadre with worse terms and the law treats the cadres as different classes, sex discrimination hides behind classification. Courts once used "only" in "only on the ground of sex" (Articles 15 and 16) to excuse discrimination based on sex plus another factor, such as marriage or pregnancy. In Navtej, Justice D.Y. Chandrachud rejected this: such a formalistic reading would make the guarantee meaningless and ignore how sex discrimination intersects with other identities.
Anuj Garg v. Hotel Association of India (December 2007, Justice S.B. Sinha and Justice Harjit Singh Bedi): Section 30 of the Punjab Excise Act, 1914, as applied in Delhi, barred employing any woman, and men under 25, in any part of premises where liquor was consumed by the public. Held: struck down. Borrowing romantic paternalism from the United States Supreme Court, an attitude which puts women not on a pedestal but in a cage, the Court held that a law claiming to protect women must be judged by its real effect on their autonomy. Principle: safety must be pursued by proportionate measures, such as better security, not by excluding women from work. This rejects the logic of Muller v. Oregon (Unit 1).
Equal Pay and Night Work
Article 39(d) asks for equal pay for equal work for men and women; the Equal Remuneration Act, 1976 gave it effect.
Mackinnon Mackenzie and Company v. Audrey D'Costa (1987): the company paid women confidential stenographers less than men. Held: the women did the same or similar work and were entitled to the same pay.
- Section 3, Code on Wages, 2019 (since 21 November 2025): forbids gender discrimination in wages for the same or similar work, and in recruitment.
- Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code, 2020: women may work in all establishments and all types of work, including at night (before 6 a.m. and after 7 p.m.), but only with their consent and with safeguards for their safety, far from the protective laws of Muller v. Oregon.
Permanent Commission in the Armed Forces
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (1:57:31)
Women were admitted as short service commission officers, for a limited term, but denied permanent commission, which gives a full career and pension.
Secretary, Ministry of Defence v. Babita Puniya (February 2020, Justice D.Y. Chandrachud and Justice Ajay Rastogi): Held: women short service officers in the Army were entitled to be considered for permanent commission in all streams where short service commission was granted, whatever their length of service. The government's arguments (physiological limitations, family obligations, non-acceptance as commanders by male troops) were rejected. Principle: arguments based on sex stereotypes are not permitted by the Constitution.
Lieutenant Colonel Nitisha v. Union of India (March 2021, Justice D.Y. Chandrachud and Justice M.R. Shah): the Army's neutral-looking criteria for permanent commission judged women on old reports, written casually when women had no chance of permanent commission, and ignored their later achievements. Held: this was indirect discrimination. Principle: drawing on Fraser v. Canada, the equality guarantee is concerned with substantive equality, so it reaches systemic and indirect discrimination.
Indirect discrimination: a rule which looks neutral in form falls with disproportionate weight on a protected group, such as women.
Kush Kalra v. Union of India (August 2021): Held: women may sit for the National Defence Academy entrance examination, previously open only to men. Women cadets joined the following year.
| Direct discrimination | Indirect discrimination |
|---|---|
| Openly treats a person worse because of sex. | A neutral rule with an unequal effect. |
| Example: the pregnancy rule for air hostesses. | Example: an evaluation standard that ignores women's denied opportunities. |
Exam tip: direct versus indirect discrimination is a favourite comparison; remember one example of each.
Sexuality and Gender Identity at Work
Gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender workers face refusal to hire, harassment and dismissal. After Navtej (Unit 3), sexual orientation cannot be treated as criminal, and two judges said discrimination based on it is sex discrimination under Article 15. Under the Transgender Persons Act, 2019, Section 3 forbids unfair treatment in employment, and Section 9 says no establishment shall discriminate against a transgender person in any matter relating to employment, including recruitment and promotion.
Jane Kaushik v. Union of India (17 October 2025, Justice J.B. Pardiwala and Justice R. Mahadevan): Jane Kaushik, a transgender woman and qualified teacher, was forced out of a private school within days of joining when her gender identity became known; another school withdrew its job offer for the same reason. Held: she had suffered discrimination and was awarded compensation. Principle: equality includes a duty of reasonable accommodation; governments' failure to implement the Act is discrimination by omission. A committee headed by Justice Asha Menon, a retired judge, was set up to prepare a model equal opportunity policy for transgender persons.
Affirmative Action
Affirmative action: positive measures giving a disadvantaged group extra opportunities to correct past and present discrimination. Foundation: Article 15(3), under which nothing in Article 15 prevents the State from making any special provision for women and children.
Article 16, on public employment, has no clause about women. Can the State reserve government jobs for women?
Government of Andhra Pradesh v. P.B. Vijayakumar (1995, Justice Sujata Manohar): a State rule gave women preference in direct recruitment. Held: upheld. Principle: Article 16(2) forbids discrimination only on the ground of sex, but does not bar special provisions for women under Article 15(3), including reservation in public employment.
Reservation for women is usually horizontal: it cuts across the vertical categories (Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, general), and a woman selected in a women's seat is placed in her own social category.
Political and corporate reservation
- The 73rd and 74th Amendments reserved at least one-third of seats in panchayats and municipalities, and of panchayat chairperson posts, for women; many States have raised this to one-half.
- Economists Raghabendra Chattopadhyay and Esther Duflo found that villages with women heads invested more in public goods women had asked for, such as drinking water. Critics point to proxy leadership, where a husband runs the office in his wife's name.
- The one-third reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies (2023, Unit 1) begins only after a fresh census and delimitation. It includes seats for Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe women but no separate quota for Other Backward Class women, which critics call a gap in intersectional thinking.
- Under the Companies Act, 2013 and its rules, every listed company and certain large public companies must have at least one woman director.
| Critics of reservation for women | Supporters |
|---|---|
| It compromises merit. | Merit itself is shaped by unequal opportunity. |
| It may benefit mainly elite women. | CEDAW, Article 4, treats temporary special measures as tools for real equality. |
| It can create tokens rather than leaders. | A critical mass of women changes institutions in a way a few tokens cannot. |
Sexual Harassment at the Workplace
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (2:04:35)
Sexual harassment at the workplace is one of the most important topics in Gender and Law. Feminists argue that it is about power, not desire: it makes women feel unsafe, drives them out of jobs and keeps them from promotions.
Bhanwari Devi, a saathin (village-level worker in a Rajasthan government women's development programme), tried in 1992 to stop a child marriage in her village and in revenge was gang raped by dominant-caste men. The trial court acquitted the accused, a widely criticised result. Women's groups had already approached the Supreme Court, arguing that working women had no protection against sexual violence at work.
Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (13 August 1997, Chief Justice J.S. Verma, Justice Sujata Manohar and Justice B.N. Kirpal): Held: sexual harassment at work violates women's fundamental rights under Articles 14, 15, 19(1)(g) and 21. With no law on the subject, the Court relied on CEDAW. Principle: international conventions consistent with fundamental rights can be read into them when domestic law is silent. Its guidelines, binding until Parliament legislated, defined sexual harassment, placed a duty of prevention on every employer, and required a complaints committee headed by a woman, at least half women, with an outside NGO member.
Apparel Export Promotion Council v. A.K. Chopra (January 1999): a superior repeatedly tried to molest a junior woman employee but never touched her. Held: his removal from service was upheld. Principle: sexual harassment does not require physical contact; any unwelcome, sexually determined behaviour affecting a woman's dignity is enough.
The POSH Act, 2013
The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 (POSH Act) came into force on 9 December 2013.
- Sexual harassment includes unwelcome physical contact and advances, a demand or request for sexual favours, sexually coloured remarks, showing pornography, and any other unwelcome physical, verbal or non-verbal conduct of a sexual nature; also an implied or explicit promise of better treatment, threat of worse treatment, or hostile or humiliating work environment connected with such conduct.
- Workplace is wide: any place visited in the course of employment, including employer-provided transport, and even a home where a domestic worker is employed.
- Time limit: complaint usually within three months, extendable by another three.
- Conciliation may be attempted if the woman asks, but money cannot be the basis of settlement; otherwise the inquiry must finish within 90 days.
- A false or malicious complaint can be punished, but mere failure to prove a complaint is not a ground for punishment.
- An employer who fails to comply faces a fine of up to ₹50,000.
| Internal Committee | Local Committee |
|---|---|
| Every employer with ten or more workers must constitute an Internal Complaints Committee (the "Internal Committee"). | Constituted by the District Officer. |
| Headed by a senior woman employee; at least half women; one external member from an organisation committed to women's causes. | For smaller workplaces, domestic workers, and complaints against the employer himself. |
Aureliano Fernandes v. State of Goa (May 2023, Justice A.S. Bopanna and Justice Hima Kohli): many bodies had not even constituted their committees. Held: governments and public authorities must constitute committees and publish their details. Principle: a law is only as good as its implementation.
Me Too (2018): many women spoke publicly about harassment from years earlier, often outside formal time limits.
The Priya Ramani defamation case (Delhi trial court, February 2021): journalist Priya Ramani named former minister M.J. Akbar, who prosecuted her for criminal defamation. Held: acquitted. Principle: a woman may put forward her grievance even after decades, and the right to reputation cannot be protected at the cost of a woman's right to life and dignity.
Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson (Supreme Court of the United States): Held: sexual harassment is sex discrimination, as Catharine MacKinnon (dominance theory, Unit 2) argued. Principle: Vishaka reached the same idea through the Indian Constitution and CEDAW.
Maternity Benefits and Leave for Parenthood
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (2:10:03)
Article 42 directs the State to make provision for maternity relief. The Maternity Benefit Act, 1961, as amended in 2017, gave women workers:
- 26 weeks of paid maternity leave for the first two children, and 12 weeks for a third or later child;
- 12 weeks to a woman adopting a child below three months, and to a commissioning mother in surrogacy;
- work from home where the nature of work permits;
- a creche in establishments with 50 or more employees.
From 21 November 2025, the Maternity Benefit Act has been replaced by the Code on Social Security, 2020, which carries these benefits into its chapter on maternity benefit.
Municipal Corporation of Delhi v. Female Workers (Muster Roll) (8 March 2000): Held: women employed on a daily-wage or casual basis are also entitled to maternity benefit. Principle: based on Articles 39, 42 and 43, and Article 11 of CEDAW.
Deepika Singh (Unit 3): Held: a woman who had used child care leave for her stepchildren could not be denied maternity leave for her own child.
K. Umadevi v. Government of Tamil Nadu (May 2025): a government teacher was refused maternity leave for her third child, as the rules allowed it only for two; her first two children, from an earlier marriage, lived with their father. Held: leave granted. Principle: maternity benefit is part of a woman's reproductive rights under Article 21.
The maternity–paternity disparity
| Mothers | Fathers |
|---|---|
| Six months of paid leave. | Most private-sector fathers have no statutory paternity leave; Central Government employees get 15 days. |
| Women Central Government employees may take child care leave. | Single male parents in Central Government service may also take child care leave. |
Feminist scholars see two problems: (1) the law tells society that caring for a baby is the mother's job alone; (2) since the employer often bears the whole cost of maternity leave, some employers avoid hiring young women. Lakshmi Lingam and Vaidehi Yelamanchili note that maternity benefits reach mainly women in formal jobs, while most Indian women work in the informal sector; for them, the National Food Security Act, 2013 promises a maternity benefit of at least ₹6,000 through a government scheme.
Reform proposals: shared parental leave, including leave reserved for fathers that is lost if not taken; and public funding of maternity benefits, so employers have no reason to avoid women. Menstrual leave is granted by some States and employers; supporters see it as recognising a real need, others fear it will revive the stereotype of women as less capable workers. The Supreme Court has treated it as a policy matter for governments.
Counting Women's Unpaid Work
Much of the work that keeps society running (cooking, cleaning, fetching water, caring for children, the sick and the elderly) is done by women at home without pay, and economists and national accounts have traditionally treated it as outside the economy. New Zealand politician Marilyn Waring, in If Women Counted, showed that standard measures of national income ignore unpaid household work, so a woman who works all day at home is recorded as producing nothing.
| Time Use Survey | Women (minutes a day) | Men (minutes a day) |
|---|---|---|
| 2019 | About 299 | 97 |
| 2024 | About 289 | 88 |
The figures are for those doing unpaid domestic work for their households: women spend more than three times as long as men.
Arun Kumar Agrawal v. National Insurance Company (2010): Justice A.K. Ganguly sharply criticised the 2001 census for classifying women doing household work as non-workers, alongside beggars, prostitutes and prisoners.
Kirti v. Oriental Insurance Company Limited (January 2021): compensation for a couple killed in a road accident. Held: Justice N.V. Ramana, concurring, relied on the Time Use Survey and held that a homemaker's notional income must be fixed fairly. Principle: the idea that homemakers do not work or add no economic value is a problematic idea that must be overcome.
Kannaiyan Naidu v. Kamsala Ammal (Madras High Court, June 2023): the husband worked abroad for years while the wife ran the home and raised the children; he bought properties, some in her name, and later claimed them all. Held (Justice Krishnan Ramasamy): the wife was entitled to an equal share. Principle: by running the home she freed him to earn, contributing indirectly but truly to the purchases.
In the Abdul Samad case (Unit 3), Justice Nagarathna urged husbands to share financial resources with homemaker wives.
How to recognise unpaid work: some feminists demand wages for housework from the State; others fear this would fix women more firmly in the home. Many prefer three steps: counting unpaid work in national statistics, giving homemakers a share in matrimonial property, and sharing care work between men and women.
Neha is an engineer. If a public employer refuses to promote her because she is married, it violates Articles 14 and 16. If the evaluation criteria ignore the opportunities she was denied, that is indirect discrimination. If her manager makes sexual remarks, she can complain to the Internal Committee. When she has a baby, she gets 26 weeks of paid leave, but her husband Prince gets little or none, so the care falls on her. If she leaves work to raise the child, her labour at home is treated as worth nothing unless a court recognises its value. Each outcome rests on an assumption about what women and men are like, that is, on gender stereotypes.
Unit 6: Gender Stereotypes – What Stereotypes Do
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (2:17:08)
Stereotype: a fixed, generalised belief about the members of a group (women are emotional; men do not cry; a good woman is modest; a real man earns for his family). Some stereotypes describe; others prescribe how people should behave.
When the State, police or courts act on them, stereotypes become decisions about liberty, jobs, custody and justice.
- Article 5 of CEDAW (see Unit 1) requires States to change social and cultural patterns based on stereotyped roles for men and women.
- Stereotypes hurt men too: beliefs that men cannot be victims of sexual violence, or that fathers are not real carers, shaped gaps in rape law and parental leave.
Handbook on Combating Gender Stereotypes (August 2023)
Released by the Supreme Court for judges and lawyers; it suggests neutral alternatives to stereotyped words.
| Stereotyped term | Suggested alternative |
|---|---|
| Eve teasing (makes harassment sound playful) | Street sexual harassment |
| Housewife | Homemaker |
| Prostitute | Sex worker |
| Chaste woman / fallen woman | Woman |
| Provocative clothing | Clothing |
It also explains why assumptions such as "a woman who does not cry or resist cannot have been raped" are false.
The Ideal Victim
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (2:18:57)
Nils Christie's ideal victim
Christie (Norwegian criminologist): an old woman walking home in daylight after caring for her sick sister is hit on the head by a big stranger who steals her bag to buy liquor or drugs.
Society most readily grants full victim status where:
- the victim is weak;
- she is doing something respectable;
- she is in a place where she cannot be blamed for being;
- the offender is big and bad;
- the offender is unknown to her;
- she is able to make her case heard.
The ideal rape victim
Popularly imagined as a young, chaste woman attacked by a stranger in a dark lane, who fights back and is injured. Real victims are measured against this ideal and found wanting.
| Imagined ideal | Reality of most rapes |
|---|---|
| Attacker is a stranger | Committed by men the woman knows |
| Victim is injured | Often no visible injury |
| Victim fights back | Many survivors freeze rather than fight |
Critical race scholars such as Lisa Long add that the ideal victim is imagined along lines of race; in India, of caste and class, so an Adivasi or Dalit woman, or a sex worker, is less readily believed.
Tukaram v. State of Maharashtra (Mathura case, 15 September 1978): Mathura, a young tribal girl living with her brother and working as a labourer in Chandrapur district, Maharashtra, was brought to Desaiganj police station in March 1972 on her brother's complaint that the man she wished to marry and his relatives had kidnapped her. She alleged that, after her companions were sent out, one policeman raped her and the other molested her. Sessions Court: acquittal (even calling her habituated to sexual intercourse). Bombay High Court (Nagpur): conviction, as passive submission out of fear is not consent. Held (Justice A.D. Koshal): acquittal restored; no injury marks, no alarm, nothing showing fear.
Mathura contains every element of the ideal victim: resistance, injuries, an alarm and a chaste past. It triggered the Open Letter and the reforms of Unit 2.
How the law now answers these assumptions
- Absence of physical resistance is not consent.
- The survivor's past sexual history is irrelevant to consent.
- In aggravated cases (e.g. rape by a police officer in a police station), Section 120 of the B.S.A. creates a presumption: once intercourse is proved and the woman tells the court she did not consent, the court presumes she did not consent.
State of Punjab v. Gurmit Singh (January 1996): a trial court acquitted men accused of abducting and raping a schoolgirl under sixteen, doubting her character and seeking corroboration. Held (Justice A.S. Anand): reversed; casting unjustified stigmas on her showed a lack of sensitivity. Principle: a sexual-assault victim's testimony is vital and, if it inspires confidence, needs no corroboration; it stands almost on a par with an injured witness's. Such trials should be held in camera (in private).
Stereotypes move to sentencing
Mrinal Satish found that, once barred at the guilt stage, stereotypes moved to sentencing: the victim's marital status, virginity, resistance and relationship with the offender came to affect the rapist's sentence.
Aparna Bhat v. State of Madhya Pradesh (March 2021): the Madhya Pradesh High Court bailed a man accused of entering a neighbour's house and molesting her, on condition that he visit her with his wife on Raksha Bandhan with sweets and a rakhi, ask her to tie it on him and promise to protect her. Held (Justices A.M. Khanwilkar and S. Ravindra Bhat): condition set aside. Bail conditions must not require or permit accused–victim contact or reflect stereotyped or patriarchal notions about women. Reasoning trivialising the survivor (that she consented before, provoked the act by her clothing, or behaved unlike a chaste or Indian woman) must never enter judicial orders. Gender-sensitisation training for judges and lawyers was directed.
Attorney General for India v. Satish (November 2021): a High Court acquitted a man of sexually assaulting a twelve-year-old girl under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act because he groped her over her clothes, without skin-to-skin contact. Held: reversed – the decisive factor is sexual intent, not skin contact.
Calcutta High Court's advice to adolescent girls (Supreme Court on its own motion, August 2024): while acquitting a young man, the High Court advised adolescent girls to control their sexual urges. Held: conviction restored and the lecture on morality criticised – judgments are not the place for personal opinions.
The Reasonable Man
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (2:24:43)
The common law measures conduct against an imaginary sensible person, "the man on the Clapham omnibus" (an ordinary London commuter), who decides negligence, reasonableness of fear, and provocation. Feminists ask: who is this reasonable man, and whose experience does he reflect?
Provocation
Exception 1 to Section 101 of the B.N.S. (carrying over the old law): culpable homicide is not murder if the offender, deprived of the power of self-control by grave and sudden provocation, causes the death of the person who gave the provocation.
K.M. Nanavati v. State of Maharashtra (1961): a naval officer shot his wife's lover. Test: would a reasonable man of the same class of society as the accused, placed in the same situation, have been so provoked as to lose self-control? Held: he had time to cool down; murder conviction upheld.
Note "same class of society": Bernard Brown criticised colonial courts for applying an English ordinary man to very different cultures; Indian law adjusted the test to the accused's community.
A defence built around male anger
- An English judgment of 1707 held a husband who kills a man caught in adultery with his wife guilty only of manslaughter, calling adultery "the highest invasion of property".
- Sudden loss of control fits a man's quick rage, not a woman who, after years of beatings, kills her abuser while he sleeps because she could never win a fair fight.
R v. Ahluwalia (1992, English Court of Appeal): Kiranjit Ahluwalia, a woman of Indian origin in England, set fire to her sleeping husband after about ten years of his violence; he died, and she was convicted of murder. Held: sudden and temporary loss of self-control is still required, but delay after the last provocation does not automatically defeat the defence. Conviction quashed on new medical evidence of depression; retrial ordered. She then pleaded guilty to manslaughter (diminished responsibility) and was released.
In 2009 English law replaced provocation with a loss of control defence that no longer requires the loss to be sudden.
R v. Lavallee (1990, Supreme Court of Canada): a woman shot her abusive partner after he threatened to kill her. Held (Justice Bertha Wilson): expert evidence on the effects of long abuse is admissible to explain why a battered woman might reasonably fear for her life and why she did not simply leave. The ordinary man's reaction is hard to imagine, since men do not typically find themselves battered spouses. Principle: reasonableness is judged from the woman's real situation.
Feminist division: Katherine O'Donovan and others warn that "battered woman syndrome" evidence can portray the woman as psychologically damaged, not as a reasonable person facing real danger. The aim is a standard of reasonableness that includes women's experience, not a special excuse for weak women.
Reasonable man, woman or person?
| Standard | Use / argument | Comment |
|---|---|---|
| Reasonable woman | Some US courts, in sexual harassment cases: conduct many men see as harmless may threaten women | Critics: a separate standard may suggest women are more fragile |
| Reasonable person | Later used by the US Supreme Court, judged from the position of the person concerned | Indian law increasingly speaks in neutral terms |
In Indian law the definition of sexual harassment turns on whether the conduct was unwelcome to the woman herself.
Dworkin, MacKinnon and the Anti-Pornography Movement
- Andrea Dworkin, Pornography: Men Possessing Women (1981): pornography is not just offensive material but a central practice of male dominance.
- Catharine MacKinnon: pornography is not merely speech about women but a practice that subordinates them, in its making and its effects.
The Minneapolis model law (1983)
Drafted by Dworkin and MacKinnon as a civil rights law, not an obscenity law about morality.
- Definition: the graphic sexually explicit subordination of women through pictures or words, with further features such as presenting women as enjoying pain or humiliation.
- Remedy: damages for women harmed, e.g. by coercion into performing in it, having it forced on them, assault caused by a specific work, or trafficking in it.
- Passed twice by the Minneapolis city council but vetoed by the mayor; Indianapolis enacted a version in 1984.
American Booksellers Association v. Hudnut (1985, federal Court of Appeals, Judge Frank Easterbrook): Indianapolis law struck down under the First Amendment. Depictions of subordination may perpetuate subordination, but that only shows pornography's power as speech. Held: viewpoint discrimination, since it banned speech showing women as subordinate but permitted speech showing them as equal. The US Supreme Court affirmed without a full opinion.
R v. Butler (1992, Supreme Court of Canada): obscenity law upheld but reinterpreted in terms of harm: material degrading or dehumanising, especially to women, may be restricted. Hailed by anti-pornography feminists; yet soon after, customs officers used it to seize books and magazines for gay and lesbian readers, a practice challenged in the Little Sisters case.
The feminist "sex wars"
| Anti-pornography feminists | Anti-censorship feminists (e.g. Feminist Anti-Censorship Taskforce) |
|---|---|
| Pornography harms women as a class | Censorship laws are usually enforced against women and sexual minorities |
| The law must respond | Women have their own sexual agency; the State is not a reliable ally in matters of sex |
Both sides call themselves feminist; the debate continues, especially over online content. In Butterfly Politics, MacKinnon argued that small, well-placed legal changes can produce large social effects, like a butterfly's wing-flap.
Exam tip: present both sides fairly, then give your own reasoned view.
Obscenity Law in India
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (2:32:43)
- Article 19(1)(a) guarantees freedom of speech and expression; Article 19(2) permits reasonable restrictions in the interests of decency or morality.
- Section 294 of the B.N.S.: sale or public display of obscene material, now including electronic content.
- Section 296 of the B.N.S.: obscene acts and songs in public places.
- Information Technology Act, 2000: publishing obscene or sexually explicit material electronically.
Material is obscene if it is lascivious, or appeals to the prurient interest, or tends to deprave and corrupt people likely to see it.
From Hicklin to community standards
Ranjit D. Udeshi v. State of Maharashtra (1964, Justice M. Hidayatullah): a bookseller's conviction for selling Lady Chatterley's Lover upheld, applying the English Hicklin test.
Aveek Sarkar v. State of West Bengal (February 2014): a magazine and a newspaper reprinted a nude photograph of Boris Becker (tennis player) and his fiancée, first published in a German magazine as a protest against racism. Held: Hicklin test abandoned; the photograph, conveying love and opposition to racism, was not obscene.
| Point | Hicklin test (Ranjit D. Udeshi) | Community standards test (Aveek Sarkar) |
|---|---|---|
| Question | Does it tend to deprave and corrupt those whose minds are open to immoral influences? | Is it obscene by contemporary community standards? |
| Viewpoint | The most vulnerable reader | The average person |
| Scope | Could condemn a whole book for a few passages | The work as a whole and in its context |
Context matters
Bobby Art International v. Om Pal Singh Hoon (1996): Bandit Queen, based on Phoolan Devi's life, showed nudity and rape. Held: not obscene – the scenes showed the victim's humiliation and aroused sympathy for her and disgust for the rapists, not titillation.
S. Khushboo v. Kanniammal (April 2010): an actress backed pre-marital sex with safe practices in a magazine survey; more than twenty criminal complaints followed. Held: quashed – morality and criminality are not the same, and the law cannot punish unpopular opinions.
Indecent Representation of Women
Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act, 1986
Indecent representation: depiction of the figure of a woman, her form or body, or any part of it, in a way that is indecent, or derogatory to or denigrating women; also depictions likely to deprave, corrupt or injure public morality.
- Prohibited in advertisements, books, pamphlets, photographs and other material.
- Exceptions: works of art, science, literature and religion.
- Punishment for a first conviction: up to two years.
Feminist views are mixed: it recognises that images can degrade women, but its public-morality language is vague, it treats women mainly as objects of protection, and it is rarely enforced. A 2012 bill extending it to digital media has not become law.
Newer offences on image-based abuse
- Voyeurism (watching or capturing images of a woman in a private act): Section 77 of the B.N.S.
- Stalking: Section 78 of the B.N.S.
- Information Technology Act: capturing or publishing images of a person's private areas without consent.
Performing Arts
The language of protecting women's dignity can also be used to control them.
The Devadasi system
Under this system girls were dedicated to temples, where many became dancers and musicians and some were sexually exploited. After campaigns by reformers such as Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy, the Madras Devadasis Prevention of Dedication Act, 1947 banned it, followed by Karnataka (1982) and Andhra Pradesh (1988). Historians debate whether reform freed these women or also erased their art and livelihood.
Dance bars of Maharashtra
In 2005 Maharashtra banned dances in bars and restaurants (exempting hotels of three stars or more), defending the ban as protecting women's dignity.
State of Maharashtra v. Indian Hotel and Restaurants Association (July 2013, Chief Justice Altamas Kabir and Justice S.S. Nijjar): the Bombay High Court's decision striking down the ban was upheld. The distinction between ordinary bars and elite hotels was arbitrary, and the ban destroyed the livelihood of thousands of women dancers.
Indian Hotel and Restaurant Association v. State of Maharashtra (January 2019, Justices A.K. Sikri and Ashok Bhushan): a new law imposed strict licensing conditions. Upheld: fixed timings; written contracts for dancers. Struck down: compulsory CCTV in the dance area (privacy) and the ban on serving liquor where dances were held, among others. Principle: the State may regulate obscenity but not impose its own morality on women who choose this work (the logic of Anuj Garg, Unit 5).
Film certification
Lipstick Under My Burkha (2017): the Central Board of Film Certification refused a certificate, calling the film "lady oriented" and objecting to its portrayal of women's fantasies. The Film Certification Appellate Tribunal allowed release with an adult certificate and some cuts. The underlying assumption: women's own desires are more dangerous than men's.
Gautam Bhatia, borrowing a phrase of the European Court of Human Rights, argues that free speech must protect even ideas that "offend, shock or disturb".
Applying the Unit: An Illustration
Zoya says her colleague Aadil raped her after an office party.
- Police doubting her for being out late, wearing a short dress and having had boyfriends apply the ideal victim stereotype, now rejected by law.
- A court asking only how a reasonable man would have reacted may miss her fear.
- A newspaper printing her picture breaks the law protecting a survivor's identity.
- If she later speaks about it on social media, the court must weigh her dignity against his reputation.
The central question: whose experience does the law treat as normal?
Quick revision
▶ Watch this part of the lecture (2:40:19)
- The subject runs from the difference between sex and gender to the stereotypes that shape the reasoning of courts.
- Ask the woman question: look behind every neutral rule for its real effect on women and sexual minorities.
- Name the provision and the current law – including the new criminal codes and the labour codes – and support it with the leading case.
- Distinguish similar ideas clearly, with an example: formal vs substantive equality; direct vs indirect discrimination; the Nordic model vs decriminalisation.