About this subject
Media Law governs the press, broadcasting, cinema and digital media. Studied in five units, it runs from the history of how the press won its freedom to the ethical choices a journalist must make where the law gives no clear answer. It is at work whenever a person reads a newspaper, watches a news channel, streams a web series or forwards a meme, so each rule is best understood by connecting it with everyday life.
For every important case, note the facts, the question before the court, the decision and, above all, the principle, because the principle is what is applied in examination answers, in judiciary examinations, UGC NET and CLAT PG, and in practice as a lawyer, journalist or content creator.
Meaning of Media
Media is the plural of medium, a channel through which something passes. In Media Law, media means the channels through which news, ideas and entertainment reach the public:
- Print media: newspapers and magazines.
- Broadcast media: radio and television.
- Cinema: a medium of its own.
- Digital media: news websites, streaming platforms, social media and messaging apps.
Media as the fourth pillar of democracy
The first three pillars of democracy are the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. The press is the fourth, because it watches the other three and tells the people what they are doing.
The idea of the press as the Fourth Estate comes from English history. The Scottish writer Thomas Carlyle wrote that Edmund Burke once said there were three estates in Parliament, but in the reporters' gallery sat a fourth estate, more important than them all.
Why media needs law
Media has great power. A single report can expose corruption and save lives; a single false report can destroy a person's reputation, prejudice a trial or spark a riot. Media Law therefore balances two sets of interests, and courts strike this balance again and again.
| On one side | On the other side |
|---|---|
| The freedom to speak, publish and broadcast | Reputation, privacy, public order, decency and a fair trial |
Evolution of Media
The printing press and licensing
Media law begins with the printing press. Around the middle of the fifteenth century, Johannes Gutenberg in Germany developed printing with movable type, so ideas could for the first time be copied quickly and cheaply. Rulers realised that printed words could challenge their power and began to control printing through licences. In England, for a long time, nothing could be printed without official permission.
Milton, the end of licensing and Blackstone
- 1644: the poet John Milton wrote Areopagitica against this system. Truth grows stronger in open debate, and licensing books before publication kills ideas before they are born.
- 1695: the licensing of the press in England finally lapsed.
- 1769: the English jurist William Blackstone explained the new position. The liberty of the press means laying no previous restraints upon publications; it does not mean freedom from punishment for unlawful matter after it is published.
Prior restraint and punishment after publication
| Point | Prior restraint | Punishment after publication |
|---|---|---|
| Stage | Stops speech before it reaches the public | Deals with speech after it is out |
| Examples | Censorship, a ban | A prosecution, a suit for damages |
| How courts view it | The more serious danger to free speech | The lesser danger, compared with prior restraint |
The distinction between prior restraint and punishment after publication recurs throughout Media Law, and courts treat prior restraint as the graver threat.
New media, same old question
Then came daily newspapers, cinema at the end of the nineteenth century, radio in the early twentieth century, television after the Second World War, and the internet at the end of the twentieth century. Each new medium raised the same question in a new form: how free should it be, and who should control it?
A teenager with a smartphone can today reach more people than a newspaper editor could a hundred years ago. Principles made for printing presses must now deal with memes, podcasts and deepfake videos.
Why Free Speech Matters
There are four classic reasons why the law protects free speech.
- The search for truth. John Stuart Mill, in On Liberty (1859), argued that even an opinion believed to be false should not be silenced. It may be true after all; and even if false, it helps us understand the truth better by challenging it.
- Democracy. People govern themselves through elections, but can choose wisely only if they know the facts and hear different views. Free speech, and especially a free press, is the oxygen of democracy.
- Self-fulfilment. Expressing oneself through words, art, music or film is part of being human. When the State silences a person, it treats that person as less than a full person.
- Safety valve. When people can voice their anger openly, they are less likely to turn to violence.
Abrams v. United States (1919): the American judge Oliver Wendell Holmes, dissenting, said that the best test of truth is the power of an idea to get itself accepted in the competition of the market. Principle: this is the marketplace of ideas.
Sources of Freedom of Speech and Expression
International sources
- Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, 1789 (French Revolution), Article 11: the free communication of ideas and opinions is one of the most precious rights of man. Every citizen may speak, write and print freely, but must answer for the abuse of this liberty in cases fixed by law.
- First Amendment to the United States Constitution, 1791: Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press. The text protects the press by name and lists no restrictions, so American courts have developed the limits themselves.
- Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, Article 19: everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression, including the freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. After the Second World War, free expression thus became a universal human right.
- International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966, Article 19: makes this a binding treaty right. Article 19(3) allows restrictions that are provided by law and are necessary for respect of the rights or reputations of others, or for the protection of national security, public order, public health or morals. India became a party in 1979.
- European Convention on Human Rights, Article 10: protects the same freedom in Europe, with similar restrictions.
Indian sources
- Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution, the main source, read with the reasonable restrictions in Article 19(2).
- Statutes on the press, cinema, broadcasting and information technology.
- Judgments of Indian courts.
- Codes of ethics of self-regulatory bodies.
Theories of the Press
Societies have answered differently the question of what the relationship between the press and the State should be. In 1956, three American scholars, Fred Siebert, Theodore Peterson and Wilbur Schramm, published Four Theories of the Press.
- Authoritarian theory: the press exists to support the government. The ruler decides what may be printed, through licences, censorship and punishment, and criticism of the government is not allowed. Much of British press policy in India followed this model.
- Libertarian theory: grew from the ideas of Milton and Mill. The press is free from government control; it is a marketplace of ideas and a watchdog over the government, and people are trusted to separate truth from falsehood for themselves. Weakness: a free market may be captured by a few rich owners and may chase profit over truth.
- Social responsibility theory: grew from the work of the Hutchins Commission in the United States, whose 1947 report was titled A Free and Responsible Press. The press is free, but this freedom carries a duty to society: it must be accurate and fair, and give space to different groups. If the press fails, society may step in through codes of ethics, press councils and, where needed, some regulation. India's Press Council reflects this theory.
- Soviet communist theory: the press is owned by the State or the ruling party and serves as a tool to educate people in the party's ideology. Private ownership and criticism of the party are not allowed.
Later theories
Later scholars, especially Denis McQuail, added two more:
- Development media theory: in newly independent and developing countries, the media should support national goals like literacy, health and farming.
- Democratic participant theory: ordinary citizens and small communities should have their own media, such as community radio and, today, social media, instead of depending only on big media houses.
Early Doordarshan programmes on agriculture followed the development media theory.
The World Press Freedom Index
- Published every year by Reporters Without Borders, an international non-governmental organisation founded in France in 1985 and often called RSF, from its French name.
- First published in 2002; it now ranks 180 countries and territories.
- Each country gets a score from 0 to 100, where 100 is the best, and falls into one of five categories: good, satisfactory, problematic, difficult and very serious.
- The score has two parts: a count of abuses against journalists in connection with their work, such as killings and arrests; and a questionnaire answered by press freedom specialists, such as journalists, researchers, academics and human rights defenders.
RSF defines press freedom as the ability of journalists, as individuals and as groups, to select, produce and spread news in the public interest, free from political, economic, legal and social interference, and without threats to their physical and mental safety.
The five indicators (since 2022)
| Indicator | What it examines |
|---|---|
| Political | How far the media is free from political pressure, and whether the government respects its independence |
| Economic | Economic pressures, such as concentrated ownership, dependence on government advertising and the business interests of owners |
| Legal | The legal framework, for example censorship laws, defamation laws, and whether journalists can protect their sources |
| Sociocultural | Pressure from society, such as attacks linked to religion, caste, gender or culture |
| Security | The physical and mental safety of journalists, including killings, arrests, threats and online harassment |
India's position
India's position has been low for several years: rank 150 in 2022, 161 in 2023, 159 in 2024 and 151 in 2025.
In the 2026 index, India is at rank 157 out of 180, with a score of about 32, which places it in the very serious category. At the top, Norway has held the first place for the tenth year in a row. For the first time in the history of the index, more than half of the countries of the world fall into the difficult or very serious categories.
The Government of India has told Parliament that it does not agree with these rankings. It has criticised the index for a very small sample size, little weight to the fundamentals of democracy, and a methodology it considers questionable and not transparent.
Remember the five indicators: political, economic, legal, sociocultural and security. The index is an expert assessment, not a legal document, and has no binding force in Indian law.
History of the Press in India
Many present-day press laws were born in the struggle between the press and the British rulers.
Hicky's Bengal Gazette (1780 to 1782)
- India's first newspaper, started in Calcutta on 29 January 1780 by an Irishman, James Augustus Hicky.
- Hicky boldly attacked the Governor-General, Warren Hastings, and other officials.
- In 1781 he was convicted of libel and jailed, but went on printing from jail.
- In 1782, after fresh lawsuits by Hastings, the court at Calcutta ordered his types to be seized, and the paper closed.
From its very first years, the Indian press was in conflict with power.
Censorship and licensing
- Censorship of the Press Act, 1799: passed by Lord Wellesley, fearing French influence during the wars with Napoleon. Newspapers had to submit their material to the government before printing, and print the names of their printer, editor and owner.
- Licensing rules, 1823: brought in by the acting Governor-General, John Adam. No one could publish a newspaper without a licence. Raja Ram Mohan Roy protested strongly and closed his Persian weekly, Mirat-ul-Akhbar, rather than accept this control.
- 1835: Charles Metcalfe repealed the licensing rules, and is remembered as the liberator of the Indian press.
- Licensing Act, 1857: after the revolt of 1857, it brought back licensing for a short period.
- Press and Registration of Books Act, 1867: required printers and publishers to register, and every book and newspaper to carry the names of its printer and publisher. It governed the registration of newspapers for more than 150 years.
Vernacular Press Act, 1878
Passed by Lord Lytton, it targeted only newspapers in Indian languages, not English papers, and critics called it the Gagging Act. The Amrita Bazar Patrika of Calcutta escaped it by turning itself into an English weekly within a week. Lord Ripon repealed the Act in 1882.
The press and the national movement
- Newspapers Incitement to Offences Act, 1908: allowed the government to seize the presses of newspapers that incited violence.
- Indian Press Act, 1910: demanded security deposits from printers and publishers, which could be forfeited.
- 1908: Bal Gangadhar Tilak was convicted of sedition for his articles in Kesari and imprisoned in Mandalay for six years.
- Leaders like Mahatma Gandhi made newspapers such as Young India and Harijan weapons of the freedom struggle.
- 1921: a committee headed by Tej Bahadur Sapru recommended the repeal of the Acts of 1908 and 1910, and they were repealed soon after.
- Indian Press Emergency Powers Act, 1931: during the Civil Disobedience Movement, it brought back strict controls.
After independence
The Constitution guaranteed freedom of speech. In 1952 the government appointed the First Press Commission, headed by Justice G.S. Rajadhyaksha. Its 1954 report led to:
- the Working Journalists Act, 1955;
- the office of the Registrar of Newspapers for India;
- a law linking the price and pages of newspapers;
- a Press Council, first set up in 1966 under the Press Council Act, 1965.
The darkest period came during the Emergency, which began in June 1975. Censorship was imposed on the press, many journalists were jailed, and the Press Council itself was abolished. After the Emergency, Parliament passed a new Press Council Act in 1978, and the Council was set up again in 1979. A Second Press Commission studied the press between 1978 and 1982.
Press and Registration of Periodicals Act, 2023
This Act replaced the Act of 1867 and came into force on 1 March 2024. It:
- replaces the Registrar of Newspapers with a Press Registrar General;
- allows periodicals to be registered online;
- leaves books and academic journals out of its scope;
- replaces most criminal offences with monetary penalties. Imprisonment remains only for serious defaults, such as continuing to publish without registration even after being directed to stop.
In 1878, a Bengali editor could be punished simply for criticising the government in his own language. Today, if Prince edits an Odia newspaper in Cuttack and criticises the government, the Constitution protects him, though he must still respect the limits the Constitution allows, such as defamation and public order. This is the journey from the authoritarian model to a free but responsible press.
Press Freedom under the Indian Constitution
No separate press clause
The Indian Constitution has no separate Article on freedom of the press. In the Constituent Assembly, Dr B.R. Ambedkar explained that the press is merely another way of stating an individual or a citizen. The press has no special rights which a citizen does not have in his individual capacity; an editor or manager who writes in a newspaper is only exercising his own right of expression. So no special mention of press freedom was necessary, and it forms part of the freedom of speech and expression of every citizen.
| Point | United States Constitution | Indian Constitution |
|---|---|---|
| Is the press named? | Yes, in the First Amendment | No; press freedom is part of Article 19(1)(a) |
| Restrictions | None listed; courts have developed the limits | Reasonable restrictions on the grounds in Article 19(2) |
Article 19(1)(a) says that all citizens shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression. From these few words, the Supreme Court has built the whole structure of press freedom.
What Freedom of Speech and Expression Includes
1. Freedom to publish and to circulate
Romesh Thappar v. State of Madras (1950): the government of Madras banned the entry and circulation in that State of Cross Roads, a weekly journal printed in Bombay. Held: freedom of speech includes the freedom to spread ideas, ensured by the freedom of circulation; the ban was struck down. Principle: without circulation, publication would be of little value.
2. Freedom from pre-censorship
Brij Bhushan v. State of Delhi (1950): the authorities ordered the English weekly Organiser to submit communal matter and news about Pakistan for scrutiny before publication. Held: such pre-censorship is a restriction on the liberty of the press; it was struck down.
The Constitution First Amendment Act, 1951
These two judgments troubled the new government, so Parliament passed the Constitution First Amendment Act, 1951, which rewrote Article 19(2):
- it added three new grounds: public order, friendly relations with foreign States and incitement to an offence;
- it added the word reasonable before restrictions, so that courts can test every restriction.
Later, the Sixteenth Amendment of 1963 added the sovereignty and integrity of India.
3. Right to receive information (the right to know)
The Supreme Court has held that in a democracy people have a right to know about public affairs. This right of the public to know is the deepest reason why a free press matters.
Voters have a right to know the criminal record, assets and education of election candidates.
4. Every medium
The freedom covers newspapers, books, cinema, radio, television and the internet.
Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting v. Cricket Association of Bengal (1995): Held: the airwaves are public property, to be used for the public good. A monopoly over broadcasting, whether of the government or of anyone else, is inconsistent with free speech. The government was directed to set up an independent public authority to regulate the airwaves.
Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020): Held: freedom of speech and expression through the medium of the internet is also protected by Article 19(1)(a).
5. Commercial speech
The freedom includes commercial speech, that is, advertisements (Unit Four).
6. Right of reply
Life Insurance Corporation of India v. Manubhai D. Shah (1992): a consumer researcher criticised the premiums charged by the Corporation. The Corporation published a counter article in its own magazine but refused to publish his reply. Held: the Corporation, being the State, could not act so unfairly; the refusal violated Articles 14 and 19(1)(a). In a connected case, Doordarshan could not refuse to telecast an award-winning documentary on the Bhopal gas disaster without a valid legal reason. Principle: fairness can require a right of reply.
Companies and Article 19
Article 19 protects only citizens, and a company is not a citizen. But shareholders, who are citizens, do not lose their fundamental rights by forming a company, so newspaper companies have been able to defend press freedom through their shareholders, as in the Bennett Coleman case.
Reasonable Restrictions under Article 19(2)
Freedom of the press is not absolute. Article 19(2) allows the State to make laws imposing reasonable restrictions on it, but only in the interests of eight grounds.
| Ground | Meaning and media illustration |
|---|---|
| 1. Sovereignty and integrity of India | A publication calling for a part of India to break away may be restricted. |
| 2. Security of the State | Grave dangers like war, rebellion or an attempt to overthrow the government; reporting the live movement of troops during a war may be restricted. |
| 3. Friendly relations with foreign States | Added by the First Amendment, 1951. |
| 4. Public order | Public peace and tranquillity; a speech or post likely to cause a riot may be restricted. |
| 5. Decency or morality | The basis of obscenity laws (Unit Three). |
| 6. Contempt of court | Protects the administration of justice (Unit Three). |
| 7. Defamation | Protects reputation (Unit Three). |
| 8. Incitement to an offence | Speech urging people to commit crimes, like burning buses or attacking a community. |
Public order is wider than security of the State, but narrower than law and order. A quarrel between two neighbours disturbs law and order, but not public order.
Three important points about the grounds
- The list is exhaustive. Every restriction on the media must fit into one of the eight grounds.
- The restriction must be imposed by law, that is, by a statute or valid rules made under a statute. An executive instruction, or the wish of a police officer, is not enough.
- The restriction must be reasonable.
Kaushal Kishor v. State of Uttar Pradesh (2023): Held by a Constitution Bench: the grounds in Article 19(2) are exhaustive. The State cannot impose additional restrictions on free speech beyond them, even by pointing to some other fundamental right.
Tests of Reasonableness
The Constitution does not define reasonable, so courts have developed tests.
1. No abstract standard
State of Madras v. V.G. Row (1952): Held: there is no abstract standard of reasonableness applicable to every case. The court must consider the nature of the right, the purpose of the restriction, the extent and urgency of the evil to be cured, whether the restriction is out of proportion to that evil, and the conditions prevailing at the time.
2. Not excessive
Chintaman Rao v. State of Madhya Pradesh (1950): Held: a limitation which is arbitrary, or goes beyond what the public interest requires, is not reasonable.
3. Proximate nexus
There must be a close and direct link between the restriction and the ground.
Superintendent, Central Prison, Fatehgarh v. Ram Manohar Lohia (1960): a law punished anyone who instigated people not to pay dues to the government. Held: struck down, because the link between such instigation and public order was too remote.
4. Real, not imagined, danger
S. Rangarajan v. P. Jagjivan Ram (1989): Held: the danger must not be remote or far-fetched; the expression must be like a spark in a powder keg. The case is relevant again to the heckler's veto.
5. Not vague or overbroad
Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015): Section 66A of the Information Technology Act punished sending online messages that were grossly offensive or menacing, or were sent to cause annoyance or inconvenience. Held: Section 66A was struck down. Its words were so vague that they caught innocent speech too, and so had a chilling effect, frightening people into silence. Principle: mere discussion, and even advocacy of an unpopular cause, is protected; only speech that reaches the level of incitement can be restricted.
6. Proportionality
Courts today apply the test of proportionality. The State must show that:
- the restriction pursues a legitimate aim;
- it is a suitable way to achieve that aim;
- there is no less restrictive but equally effective alternative; and
- the harm to the right is not greater than the benefit gained.
Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020): the Court applied the proportionality test to the internet shutdown in Jammu and Kashmir. Held: an indefinite suspension of the internet is not permissible, and such orders must be published and periodically reviewed.
7. Effect, not form
Courts look at the real effect of a law on free speech, not merely at its form or label. This test was born in three famous newspaper cases.
The Newspaper Cases and the Effect Test
Express Newspapers Private Limited v. Union of India
The first great case on laws that regulate the press as an industry.
Express Newspapers Private Limited v. Union of India (1958): the Working Journalists Act, 1955 sought to improve the pay and service conditions of journalists, and a Wage Board under it fixed wage scales for working journalists. Newspaper owners challenged the Act and the Board's decision, arguing that the heavy financial burden would force some newspapers to close or cut their circulation, and so restricted press freedom.
Held (Justice N.H. Bhagwati): the attack on the Act failed. The press is not immune from the ordinary forms of taxation or from the general laws on industrial relations. Such a law can be struck down under Article 19(1)(a) only if its direct or inevitable consequence is to take away or abridge the freedom of speech. The Act aimed to improve journalists' conditions and any harm to the press was remote and uncertain, so it was valid, except one provision on gratuity, struck down as an unreasonable restriction on the right to carry on business. The Wage Board's decision was set aside: the Board had ignored the industry's capacity to pay, an essential condition for fixing wages, so its decision went beyond the Act itself.
Principle: a general law which only remotely affects the press is valid; a law whose direct and inevitable effect is to curb the press is not.
If Prince owns a newspaper, he must pay his journalists the wages fixed by law. He cannot say that paying fair wages violates his freedom of speech.
Sakal Papers Private Limited v. Union of India
The other side of the same principle.
Sakal Papers Private Limited v. Union of India (1961): the Newspaper Price and Page Act, 1956, and an order of 1960 under it, fixed the maximum number of pages a newspaper could publish according to its price; more pages meant a higher price. The aim was to stop big newspapers from using low prices and many pages to kill small ones. The company publishing Sakal, a Marathi newspaper from Pune, its two shareholders and two of its readers challenged the law.
Held (Justice J.R. Mudholkar): the Act and the order were struck down. Freedom of the press includes the right to publish and to circulate, covering not only what a newspaper says but also the volume of its circulation. A newspaper forced to raise its price or cut its pages will lose readers or content, so the law was aimed directly at circulation. The State cannot curtail freedom of speech in order to regulate the business side of a newspaper.
Principle: economic reasons cannot justify curbing speech.
| Article 19(6) | Article 19(2) |
|---|---|
| Allows restrictions on business, so the business side of a newspaper may be regulated | Allows restrictions on speech only on its listed grounds; preventing unfair competition is not one of them |
A newspaper is both a business and a voice. The State may regulate the business, but it cannot shrink the voice for economic reasons.
Bennett Coleman and Company v. Union of India
The landmark case on the effect test.
Bennett Coleman and Company v. Union of India (1972): newsprint, the special paper on which newspapers are printed, was scarce and largely imported, so its import was controlled. The Newsprint Policy for 1972 to 1973 did more than share out newsprint: it fixed a ceiling of ten pages; it barred a group owning two or more newspapers from starting a new paper or new edition, even within its own quota; and it did not allow such a group to shift newsprint between its own papers or editions. Bennett Coleman, publisher of The Times of India, other newspaper companies and their shareholders challenged it. The government argued that the policy only regulated the import of a commodity and did not touch speech.
Held (majority, Justice A.N. Ray): what matters is not the object of the law or the form of the action, but its direct effect on the fundamental right. The direct effect was to control the growth and circulation of newspapers, and a limit on pages is a limit on what a newspaper can say. The page ceiling, the ban on new papers and editions, and the ban on shifting newsprint were struck down. The government could still fix quotas, because newsprint was scarce, but could not use the quota to control the size and growth of newspapers. Shareholders do not lose their fundamental rights by forming a company, so the petitions were maintainable.
Principle: courts look at the real effect of a measure on free speech, not at its label.
Dissent: Justice K.K. Mathew held the policy a fair way of sharing a scarce resource among big and small papers. It might reduce the quantity of speech, but it did not abridge the freedom of speech.
The three cases as a set
| Case | Contribution |
|---|---|
| Express Newspapers (1958) | Test of direct and inevitable effect; a general labour law upheld |
| Sakal Papers (1961) | Economic reasons cannot justify curbing speech |
| Bennett Coleman (1972) | The real effect of a measure on free speech, not its label, decides |
Formula to remember: not the object, not the form, but the effect.
Indian Express Newspapers v. Union of India
Indian Express Newspapers v. Union of India (1984): Held: newspapers must pay taxes like any other business, but a tax on newsprint so heavy that it cripples circulation can be struck down; the government had to reconsider the import duty on newsprint. Principle: the same effect-based thinking continued in later cases, here applied to taxation of the press.
Applying the tests
A State government, unhappy with critical coverage, orders that a newspaper group may print only eight pages:
- The order restricts speech in its effect, whatever its label.
- Is it backed by law?
- Does it serve one of the eight grounds? If the real aim is to punish criticism, it fits none of them.
- Even a valid aim must be pursued proportionately.
Dimensions of Media: The Grounds That Most Often Touch the Media
Of the eight grounds on which speech can be restricted, three touch the media most often in daily life:
- Decency and morality, which gives rise to the law of obscenity.
- Defamation, which protects reputation.
- The relationship between the media and the courts, which brings in open justice, media trials and contempt of court.
Media and Criminal Law
Much of Media Law is criminal law applied to the media. Obscenity, defamation, hurting religious feelings, promoting enmity between groups and disclosing the identity of a rape victim are all crimes. The Indian Penal Code of 1860 (IPC) dealt with them for more than a century and a half; from 1 July 2024 it has been replaced by the B.N.S., 2023. Most old offences continue in the B.N.S. with new section numbers, and the older cases remain good law on the principles, because the wording of these offences is largely the same.
Other offences that often concern the media
- Sedition: the old offence under Section 124A of the IPC was used against newspapers from the days of Tilak. The B.N.S. has no offence called sedition; instead, Section 152 of the B.N.S. punishes acts endangering the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India.
- Enmity and religious feelings: promoting enmity between groups on grounds of religion, race, caste or language is now in Section 196 of the B.N.S.; deliberately outraging religious feelings is now in Section 299.
- False statements and rumours: Section 353 of the B.N.S. punishes making or circulating statements, false information, rumours or reports, including through electronic means, with intent to cause fear, alarm or public mischief.
S.G. Vombatkere v. Union of India (2022): concerned the sedition offence under Section 124A of the IPC. Held: the Supreme Court put its use on hold and kept pending sedition cases in abeyance.
Because these offences are widely worded, courts insist that they be read narrowly, in line with Article 19(2).
Decency and Morality
Decency means what society considers proper and respectable. Morality means society's sense of right and wrong, especially in matters of sex.
Both change with time and place: a film scene that shocked audiences in 1960 may seem ordinary today. The law on obscenity is therefore a story of how courts have tried to measure a moving standard.
The Law of Obscenity
Section 292 IPC, now Section 294 B.N.S.
Section 292 of the IPC punished the sale, distribution, public exhibition or circulation of obscene books, pamphlets, drawings, paintings and other objects. A thing is obscene if:
- it is lascivious, that is, full of lust; or
- it appeals to the prurient interest, that is, an unhealthy interest in sex; or
- its effect, taken as a whole, tends to deprave and corrupt the people likely to read, see or hear it.
Today the offence is in Section 294 of the B.N.S., which also expressly covers the display of obscene content in electronic form. The exceptions cover works published for the public good in the interest of science, literature, art or learning; works kept for religious purposes; and sculptures on ancient monuments and temples.
Related provisions
| Provision | What it covers |
|---|---|
| Section 295, B.N.S. | Selling obscene objects to a child |
| Section 296, B.N.S. | Obscene acts, songs or words in a public place that annoy others |
| Sections 67 and 67A, Information Technology Act | Publishing or transmitting obscene material and sexually explicit material in electronic form |
| Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act, 1986 | Depicting women in an indecent or degrading way in advertisements, books and other publications |
The central question is when a book, picture, film or post is obscene. The answer has changed greatly over 150 years, beginning in England.
Development of the Obscenity Test: Leading Cases
Regina v. Hicklin (1868)
Regina v. Hicklin (1868): Henry Scott, a metal broker in an anti-Catholic group, sold copies of a pamphlet, The Confessional Unmasked, describing in explicit detail questions that priests allegedly asked women during confession. The magistrates ordered the copies destroyed as obscene. The Recorder of Wolverhampton, Benjamin Hicklin, reversed the order because Scott's aim was to expose the Church, not to corrupt morals. Held: the Court of Queen's Bench (Chief Justice Cockburn) restored the order of destruction; the publisher's good intention was irrelevant. Principle: the Hicklin test.
Hicklin test: whether the tendency of the matter is to deprave and corrupt those whose minds are open to such immoral influences, and into whose hands a publication of this sort may fall.
Three features of the Hicklin test (each later rejected)
- It measured obscenity by the effect on the most vulnerable, such as children and weak minds, not on an ordinary adult.
- A few isolated passages were enough, even if the work as a whole was serious.
- The purpose and literary value of the work did not matter, so even great literature could be banned.
Ranjit D. Udeshi v. State of Maharashtra (1964)
Ranjit D. Udeshi v. State of Maharashtra (1964), the Supreme Court's first great obscenity case: Udeshi was one of four partners of the Happy Book Stall in Bombay, who in 1959 were found keeping for sale an unexpurgated copy of D. H. Lawrence's Lady Chatterley's Lover. They were convicted under Section 292 of the IPC and each fined 20 rupees; the High Court upheld the conviction. Held: the Constitution Bench (Justice Hidayatullah) found the passages obscene, with no preponderating social gain, and dismissed the appeal. Principle: Hicklin was adopted but softened by looking at the work as a whole and at its artistic merit.
- Section 292 is a valid reasonable restriction in the interest of decency and morality.
- The bookseller's knowledge of the obscenity is not an ingredient of the offence; lack of knowledge may reduce the punishment but is not a defence.
- The Hicklin test, as followed in India, is the right test and does not violate Article 19.
- Treating sex and nudity in art and literature is not by itself evidence of obscenity: there is no need to make the angels and saints of Michelangelo wear breeches before they can be viewed.
- The work must be seen as a whole, but the obscene passages must also be judged separately.
- Where art and obscenity are mixed, the art must so preponderate as to throw the obscenity into a shadow, or the obscenity must be so trivial that it can be overlooked.
Chandrakant Kalyandas Kakodkar v. State of Maharashtra (1969)
Chandrakant Kalyandas Kakodkar v. State of Maharashtra (1969): Kakodkar's Marathi short story Shama, about a young man and a woman who slowly fall in love, appeared in the 1962 Diwali issue of the Marathi monthly Rambha. The magistrate acquitted the author and publisher; the Bombay High Court convicted them. Held: the Supreme Court (Justice P. Jaganmohan Reddy) set aside the conviction; read as a whole, the story was not pornography. Principle: writers cannot be required to write only for adolescents.
- The work must be judged as a whole, and its influence on the social morality of contemporary society cannot be overlooked.
- Where a work claims literary merit, the court may consider the views of leading writers.
- Society has changed, and adults must be allowed to read about love and sex.
- What matters is whether a class of readers, not an isolated case, would be depraved.
K.A. Abbas v. Union of India (1970)
K.A. Abbas v. Union of India (1970): Abbas's documentary A Tale of Four Cities contrasted the lives of the rich and the poor in four big cities and included shots of Bombay's red-light area. He sought a U certificate (unrestricted viewing); the Board gave only an Adult certificate, and the Central Government offered a U certificate only with cuts. Abbas challenged the whole system of film censorship. During the hearing the government agreed to a U certificate without cuts. Held: the Constitution Bench (Chief Justice Hidayatullah) decided the larger questions and upheld pre-censorship of films, subject to clear standards. Principle: films can be treated differently from books.
- Pre-censorship is valid: a motion picture combines sight and sound, has instant appeal and can stir emotions more deeply than any other form of art.
- Clear standards: censors' standards must be clear and leave a vast area for creative art. They must not fall to a level where the protection of the least capable and the most depraved decides what the morally healthy cannot see or read.
- Art: the guidelines should also stress the importance of art.
The American Approach: Roth and Miller
Roth v. United States (1957): Held: the American Supreme Court rejected the Hicklin test. Principle: the question is whether, to the average person applying contemporary community standards, the dominant theme of the material, taken as a whole, appeals to prurient interest.
Miller v. California (1973): Marvin Miller mailed advertising brochures for adult books, with explicit pictures, to people who had not asked for them, and was convicted under a California law. Held: by a 5 to 4 majority (Chief Justice Warren Burger), the Court laid down a three-part test. Principle: material is obscene only if all three parts are satisfied.
- The average person, applying contemporary community standards, would find that the work, taken as a whole, appeals to the prurient interest.
- The work depicts or describes, in a patently offensive way, sexual conduct specifically defined by the applicable law.
- The work, taken as a whole, lacks serious literary, artistic, political or scientific value.
The third part is the serious value test: a work with serious literary, artistic, political or scientific value is not obscene in American law, however sexual it may be. Indian courts often refer to Miller, but it is an American constitutional test; Indian law rests on its own statute and the Indian community standards test.
Raj Kapoor v. State (1979) and Raj Kapoor v. Laxman
Raj Kapoor v. State (1979): Raj Kapoor's film Satyam Shivam Sundaram was certified for public exhibition by the Board of Film Censors, yet on a private complaint in Delhi alleging obscenity the magistrate summoned Raj Kapoor and others. The Delhi High Court rejected their petition on a technical ground. Held: in October 1979 the Supreme Court (Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer) allowed the appeal and sent the case back to the High Court to decide on merits. Principle: the expert Board's certificate is relevant material of great importance, though not infallible; it does not completely bar a criminal court, but the magistrate must not brush aside the Board's findings.
Raj Kapoor v. Laxman: two months later, the same judge dealt with another prosecution over the same film. Held: the prosecution was quashed, because a person who exhibits a film certified under the Cinematograph Act is protected by Section 79 of the IPC (nothing is an offence if done by a person who is justified by law). Principle: the censor is not a moral tailor setting his own fashions, but a statutory policeman who polices films under Article 19(2) from the angle of public order, decency or morality.
Learn the two decisions as a pair: a certificate does not stop a criminal court from hearing a complaint, but Section 79 protects a producer who exhibits a certified film in good faith.
Samaresh Bose v. Amal Mitra (1985)
Samaresh Bose v. Amal Mitra (1985): the Bengali writer Samaresh Bose's novel Prajapati was published in the autumn festival number of the leading Bengali journal Desh. On a complaint by Amal Mitra, a young advocate, the trial court convicted the author and publisher, fined each 201 rupees and ordered the pages destroyed; the Calcutta High Court upheld the conviction. Held: the Supreme Court (Justice A.N. Sen) acquitted both. The novel had slang and frank descriptions, but it depicted the dark side of society and was not obscene. Principle: a vulgar writing is not necessarily obscene.
How a judge should approach a work
- First, place himself in the position of the author: what does the author want to convey, and does the work have literary or artistic value?
- Then, place himself in the position of readers of every age group into whose hands the book is likely to fall, and ask what influence it may have on them.
| Vulgarity | Obscenity |
|---|---|
| Arouses disgust, revulsion or boredom, but does not deprave or corrupt | Has the tendency to deprave and corrupt those whose minds are open to such influences |
The vulgarity–obscenity distinction from Samaresh Bose is a favourite of examiners.
Bobby Art International v. Om Pal Singh Hoon (1996)
Bobby Art International v. Om Pal Singh Hoon (1996), the Bandit Queen case: the film told the true story of Phoolan Devi, married off as a child, repeatedly abused and raped, paraded naked in a village, and later a dacoit who took revenge. The Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) gave an Adult certificate with several cuts, some of which the appellate tribunal relaxed. Om Pal Singh Hoon, who said he belonged to the Gujjar community, challenged the certificate in the Delhi High Court, arguing that the film was obscene, insulted womanhood and showed his community in a depraved light because a rapist in it was named Babu Gujjar. The High Court quashed the certificate. Held: the Supreme Court (Justice S.P. Bharucha) restored the Adult certificate. Principle: a film that illustrates the consequences of a social evil must necessarily show that social evil.
- The naked parade scene was meant not to arouse lust, but to create sympathy for the victim and disgust for the perpetrators.
- The swear words were words heard in every village and town.
- Test for a serious film: first recognise its message; then ask of each scene whether it advances the message. If it does, leave it alone, with only the caution of an Adult certificate.
Nudity or violence in a film must be judged in the context of the whole film and its message. A film that shows an evil in order to condemn it is not obscene.
Director General, Doordarshan v. Anand Patwardhan (2006)
Director General, Doordarshan v. Anand Patwardhan (2006): Patwardhan's documentary Father, Son and Holy War, on communal violence, masculinity and the oppression of women, won two National Awards in 1995. The Board certified its first part U and its second part Adult, yet Doordarshan, the public broadcaster, refused to telecast it. The Bombay High Court directed Doordarshan to show it. Held: the Supreme Court (Justice AR. Lakshmanan), after discussing the American three-part test and the Indian cases, dismissed Doordarshan's appeal. The scenes of violence and social injustice were meant to show that such evils are evil; judged in its entirety the film was not vulgar or obscene, and it was to be telecast within eight weeks. Principle: the message of a film cannot be judged by viewing portions in isolation; it must be viewed as a whole.
Ajay Goswami v. Union of India (2006)
Ajay Goswami v. Union of India (2006): asked whether newspapers should be controlled to protect children. Ajay Goswami's petition in the Supreme Court complained that leading newspapers carried semi-nude pictures and sexual content that children could easily see, and sought court-ordered controls to protect minors. Held: the Supreme Court dismissed the petition. Principle: in shielding minors, the adult population cannot be restricted to reading and seeing only what is fit for children.
- The test of obscenity is the view of an ordinary person of common sense and prudence, not of a hypersensitive person.
- Nudity alone does not make material obscene.
- Remedies already exist, such as the Norms of the Press Council and the criminal law, and no need to curtail press freedom had been shown.
Maqbool Fida Husain v. Raj Kumar Pandey (2008)
Maqbool Fida Husain v. Raj Kumar Pandey (2008): M.F. Husain's painting of a nude woman, sold to a private collector in 2004, was advertised in 2006 in an online charity auction under the title Bharat Mata, which Husain said he never gave. Complaints from many parts of India were transferred by the Supreme Court to Delhi, where a magistrate summoned Husain for obscenity, obscene acts and wounding religious feelings. Held: the Delhi High Court (Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul) quashed the summons and the arrest warrants. Principle: the aesthetic touch of the painting dwarfed the so-called obscenity of its nudity, making it so small that it could be overlooked.
- The Court noted the long Indian tradition of nudity in art, from the temples of Khajuraho onwards.
- It worried about artists being harassed by complaints filed all over the country, and urged the legislature to look into it.
- The judgment ends: a painter at ninety deserves to be in his home, painting his canvas.
S. Khushboo v. Kanniammal (2010)
S. Khushboo v. Kanniammal (2010): in a 2005 India Today survey on sexual habits in big cities, the actress Khushboo said that society should accept pre-marital relationships, that educated men should not insist on their wives being virgins, and that girls should protect themselves from pregnancy and disease. A Tamil daily reported further remarks, which she denied making. Protests followed, and 23 criminal complaints were filed, mostly in Tamil Nadu, for defamation and indecent representation of women, among other offences. Held: the Supreme Court, in a judgment by Justice B.S. Chauhan, quashed all the complaints. Principle: morality and criminality are not co-extensive.
- The complainants were not persons aggrieved: the remarks were not aimed at any individual or identifiable group.
- Expressing a view on social morality is neither obscene nor defamatory.
- Notions of social morality are inherently subjective; criminal law cannot be used to unduly interfere with personal autonomy.
- Disagreement with an opinion should be answered with speech, not with criminal cases.
Aveek Sarkar v. State of West Bengal (2014)
Aveek Sarkar v. State of West Bengal (2014): the German magazine Stern published a photograph, taken by her father, of tennis star Boris Becker posing nude with his dark-skinned fiancée Barbara Feltus, as a protest against racism showing that love triumphs over hatred. In May 1993 the magazine Sports World and the Bengali newspaper Anandabazar Patrika reproduced it. A lawyer's complaint for obscenity, also seeking action under the Indecent Representation of Women Act, was filed against the editor and publisher, and the High Court refused to quash it. Held: the Supreme Court (Justice K.S. Radhakrishnan) quashed the proceedings. Principle: the Hicklin test is no longer the correct test; the correct test is the contemporary community standards test.
- Only material that tends to excite lustful thoughts can be held obscene, judged from the point of view of an average person applying contemporary community standards.
- A picture of a nude or semi-nude woman is not obscene by itself.
- The photograph had to be seen in its context and with its message, a protest against racism; so it was not obscene.
Aveek Sarkar finally buried the Hicklin test in India.
Devidas Ramachandra Tuljapurkar v. State of Maharashtra (2015)
Devidas Ramachandra Tuljapurkar v. State of Maharashtra (2015): in 1994 a bulletin circulated privately among members of a bank employees' association published a Marathi poem, I met Gandhi, putting crude and obscene words into the mouth of Mahatma Gandhi. The publisher Devidas Tuljapurkar, the printer and the poet were charged with obscenity; the publisher apologised unconditionally in the very next issue. Held: the Supreme Court (Justice Dipak Misra) held that the contemporary community standards test still applies, but more strictly here. Because of the immediate apology and the lapse of two decades, it discharged the publisher and the printer; the poet, who had not appealed, remained free to raise his defences at the trial. Principle: poetic licence is wide, but it is not a licence to put obscene words into the mouth of a historically respected personality.
For a historically respected personality like Mahatma Gandhi, the test applies with more vigour, in a greater degree and in an accentuated manner. Language that might otherwise pass may become obscene when used this way.
Felix M.A. v. P.V. Gangadharan
Felix M.A. v. P.V. Gangadharan: in March 2018 the Malayalam magazine Grihalakshmi carried on its cover a model breastfeeding a baby, with a caption asking people not to stare because mothers need to breastfeed. A petition in the Kerala High Court claimed the cover was obscene and violated laws protecting children and the dignity of women. Held: a Bench led by Chief Justice Antony Dominic dismissed the petition; seen in its context of motherhood, the picture was not obscene and the caption not objectionable. Principle: shocking one's morals is an elusive concept, and public decency and morality are elastic ideas that change with time; just as beauty lies in the eye of the beholder, perhaps so does obscenity.
Apoorva Arora v. State (2024)
Apoorva Arora v. State (2024): an episode of College Romance, a web series streamed on YouTube, used much crude language, including words for sexual organs and acts. The police were directed to register a case under Sections 67 and 67A of the Information Technology Act, and the Delhi High Court refused to quash it, finding the language obscene by the standard of a common person. Held: in March 2024 the Supreme Court (Justice P.S. Narasimha) quashed the case. Principle: vulgarity and profanity are not obscenity by themselves.
- The High Court asked the wrong question: the question is not whether the language is civil or decent, but whether it is obscene.
- Expletive-filled language may be distasteful, uncivil and improper, but obscenity relates to material that arouses sexual and lustful thoughts.
- The series, a comedy about college life, had to be seen as a whole, by the standard of an ordinary adult, not of impressionable minds or children.
The Journey of Obscenity Law
| Case | Contribution |
|---|---|
| Regina v. Hicklin | The most vulnerable reader and a few isolated passages decided the fate of a work |
| Ranjit D. Udeshi | Adopted Hicklin, but looked at the whole work and its art |
| Kakodkar; K.A. Abbas | Adults must not be reduced to reading what suits children and the depraved |
| Samaresh Bose | Separated vulgarity from obscenity |
| Bobby Art; Anand Patwardhan | Asked what message a work carries |
| Aveek Sarkar | Formally replaced Hicklin with the contemporary community standards test |
| Tuljapurkar | Added a stricter degree for historically respected personalities |
| Apoorva Arora | Profanity is not obscenity |
Exam formula: judge the work as a whole, through the eyes of an ordinary adult, by today's community standards, in its context, and with respect for its message and its art.
Defamation
Defamation deals with false statements that harm the reputation of another person. Reputation is not what a person thinks of himself; it is what other people think of him.
Reputation is the second great limit on the media. A lifetime spent building a good name can be destroyed overnight by one careless headline. Reputation is part of human dignity, and the Supreme Court has held that the right to reputation is part of the right to life and personal liberty under Article 21. In defamation cases two fundamental rights meet: the speaker relies on Article 19(1)(a), the person defamed on Article 21, and the court must balance them.
Civil and criminal defamation
| Point | Civil defamation | Criminal defamation |
|---|---|---|
| Nature | A tort, that is, a civil wrong | An offence |
| Source | Not in any statute; judge-made law inherited from England | Defined in Section 499 and punished under Section 500 of the IPC; now Section 356 of the B.N.S. |
| Remedy or punishment | Damages or an injunction | Simple imprisonment up to two years, or fine, or both, or community service (a new punishment introduced by the B.N.S.) |
| Intention | Generally not needed | Guilty mind required |
Section 356 of the B.N.S. also punishes printing or selling material known to be defamatory.
Procedure for criminal defamation
- A court can take it up only on a complaint by the person aggrieved.
- The offence is non-cognizable, so the police cannot register an ordinary case for it.
- This rule, earlier in Section 199 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, is now in Section 222 of the B.N.S.S.
- Where the person defamed is a high public functionary, such as a Minister, and the statement concerns his public functions, the Public Prosecutor may file the complaint with the government's sanction.
Libel and slander
| Libel | Slander |
|---|---|
| Defamation in a permanent form: writing, print or pictures | Defamation in a passing form: spoken words or gestures |
This is an English distinction. Indian criminal law covers both alike, because the offence can be committed by words spoken or intended to be read, by signs, or by visible representations.
Essential Ingredients of Defamation
There are three ingredients, and a fourth for the crime.
1. The statement must be defamatory
A statement is defamatory if it tends to lower a person in the estimation of right-thinking members of society generally, or makes people shun or avoid him.
Under Explanation 4 to the criminal provision, an imputation harms reputation if it lowers the person's moral or intellectual character, his character in respect of his caste or calling, or his credit, or makes people believe that his body is in a loathsome or disgraceful state.
A newspaper falsely reports that Prince, a doctor, sells fake medicines. This lowers him in respect of his calling.
A statement innocent on its face may be defamatory through an innuendo, that is, a hidden meaning understood by people who know certain extra facts. Defamation can also be committed by asking a question, by putting it as an alternative, or by irony.
A channel shows Prince entering a hotel and says, "This is where the bribe money was handed over." He is not named as a bribe-taker, but viewers understand the hidden meaning.
2. The statement must refer to the person
- He need not be named; it is enough if reasonable people who know him would understand that it refers to him.
- If a statement attacks a large class, like all politicians or all lawyers, no single member can usually sue, because no one is singled out.
- A small, identifiable group is different: if a report says the four partners of a particular firm are cheats, each partner can sue.
- The criminal law expressly says that an imputation against a company, an association or a collection of persons can be defamation, but the group must be an identifiable body, so that it can be said with certainty that a particular group, as distinct from the rest of the community, has been defamed.
3. The statement must be published
- Publication means communication to at least one person other than the person defamed. Once printed, broadcast or posted, a statement is published.
- Everyone who takes part in publishing, like the author, editor, printer and publisher, can be liable.
- Repeating a defamatory statement is a fresh publication, so a person who shares or reposts a defamatory post online may also be liable.
If Farhan writes an insulting letter only to Prince, there is no publication.
4. Guilty mind (for the crime)
The person must intend to harm reputation, or know or have reason to believe that the imputation will harm it. For the civil wrong, intention is generally not needed.
Defences to Defamation
These defences are the tools of every journalist.
1. Truth
| Civil law | Criminal law (First Exception) |
|---|---|
| Proof that the statement is substantially true is a complete defence | Stricter: truth is a defence only if the imputation was made or published for the public good |
A true but purely private matter, published only to humiliate someone, may still be a crime.
2. Fair comment (honest opinion)
Fair comment protects opinions, not statements of fact, on matters of public interest. The comment must be based on true facts, be recognisable as opinion, and be honestly held. The criminal law protects good faith opinions on the public conduct of public servants, on the conduct of any person touching a public question, and on the merits of any performance submitted to public judgment, like a book, a film or a speech.
A film critic who writes that a movie is boring and badly acted commits no defamation. If he falsely writes that the director stole the script, he states a fact, not an opinion.
3. Privilege
Some occasions are so important that the law protects speech on them.
| Absolute privilege | Qualified privilege |
|---|---|
| Complete protection, whatever the motive | Protects a statement made in good faith and without malice |
| Statements made in Parliament (under the Constitution); in civil law, statements of judges, lawyers and witnesses in court proceedings | For the media, chiefly fair and accurate reports of court proceedings; under Article 361A, a substantially true newspaper or broadcast report of proceedings of Parliament or a State Legislature, unless published with malice |
4. Other good faith exceptions in criminal law
- Censure by a person in lawful authority, like a teacher over a student.
- An accusation made in good faith to a proper authority, like a complaint to the police.
- Statements made in good faith to protect one's own interests, or to caution another person for the public good.
Responsible Journalism
If a reporter believed a story was true but cannot prove it in court, must he always lose? English law answered this in the Reynolds case, which gave the idea of responsible journalism.
Reynolds v. Times Newspapers Ltd (1999): in 1994 the British edition of The Sunday Times published an article on the fall of the government of Albert Reynolds, former Prime Minister of Ireland, understood to mean that he had deliberately misled the Irish Parliament; it left out the explanation he had given to Parliament. In his libel suit, the jury found the allegation not substantially true but awarded no damages, so the judge gave him one penny. In 1998 the Court of Appeal ordered a retrial, and the privilege question went to the House of Lords. Held: the House of Lords (leading speech by Lord Nicholls) refused to create a general privilege for all political speech; on the facts the majority denied privilege, mainly because the article omitted Reynolds's explanation. Principle: the media can claim qualified privilege for a statement of fact on a matter of public interest, even if it later turns out to be false, if the journalist acted responsibly.
The ten Reynolds factors (not exhaustive)
- The seriousness of the allegation.
- The nature of the information, and how far it is a matter of public concern.
- The source of the information.
- The steps taken to verify it.
- The status of the information, for example whether it was already under official investigation.
- The urgency of the matter.
- Whether comment was sought from the person concerned.
- Whether the article contained the gist of his side of the story.
- The tone of the article.
- The circumstances of publication, including its timing.
In 2013 the Defamation Act for England and Wales abolished the Reynolds defence as such, replacing it with a statutory defence of publication on a matter of public interest, where the defendant reasonably believed that publishing was in the public interest. The Reynolds factors remain the best practical checklist for a careful journalist anywhere.
Before Farhan publishes a story that a minister took a bribe, he should check it with more than one reliable source, put the charge to the minister, and include the minister's reply.
R. Rajagopal v. State of Tamil Nadu (1994): a Tamil magazine wanted to publish the autobiography of a prisoner sentenced to death, naming officials who had allegedly helped him in his crimes; the prison authorities tried to stop it. Held: the Supreme Court (Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy) held that citizens have a right to privacy, and publishing details of a person's private life without consent may be actionable unless based on public records, such as court records. For public officials it adopted a version of the American rule, and it held that the government cannot impose a prior restraint on such a publication. Principle: a public official cannot claim damages for a publication about his official conduct, even if untrue, unless he proves it was made with reckless disregard for the truth; it is enough for the publisher to show reasonable verification of the facts.
Constitutionality of Criminal Defamation
Many argued that jailing a person for words is a colonial relic that chills free speech, and that civil remedies are enough.
Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India (2016): political leaders facing criminal defamation complaints, including Subramanian Swamy, challenged the provisions. Held: the Supreme Court (Justice Dipak Misra) upheld Sections 499 and 500 of the IPC and the related procedure. Principle: the reputation of one cannot be allowed to be crucified at the altar of the other's right of free speech.
- Reputation is an inseparable part of the right to life and dignity under Article 21.
- The word defamation in Article 19(2) includes criminal defamation, not only the civil wrong.
- Free speech does not include a right to damage another's reputation, so the two rights must be balanced. The Court also relied on the value of fraternity in the Preamble.
- The magistrate carries a heavy burden to scrutinise a private complaint with care before summoning anyone, so that the process does not become a tool of harassment.
Criminal defamation thus remains valid law and continues in the B.N.S., though critics say it is often used to harass journalists.
SLAPP Suits
SLAPP (pronounced like the word slap) means Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation, a term coined by the American scholars George Pring and Penelope Canan. A SLAPP is a suit filed not really to win, but to silence: the process itself becomes the punishment.
Typically a powerful person or company sues a journalist, activist or small publisher, claims huge damages (sometimes hundreds of crores of rupees) and files in a distant court, to drain the critic's money, time and courage so that others also stop writing.
Farhan, a freelance journalist, writes a careful article about pollution by a factory owned by Prince. Prince sues him for 500 crore rupees in a far-off city. Even if Farhan wins after ten years, he has suffered, and other journalists learn to stay quiet. That is the chilling effect of a SLAPP suit.
India has no special anti-SLAPP law yet, but courts refuse interim injunctions against publications on matters of public interest, insist that the plaintiff be clearly identified, and impose costs.
Crop Care Federation of India v. Rajasthan Patrika (2009): a federation of 84 pesticide manufacturers sued the Hindi newspaper Rajasthan Patrika, in Delhi, over articles published in Rajasthan in February 2004 on the harmful effects of pesticides on plants, animals and people. The articles named neither the federation nor any member. Held: Justice S. Ravindra Bhat of the Delhi High Court rejected the suit at the threshold as disclosing no cause of action. The articles referred to pesticide makers as a whole class, and the suit had all the ingredients of a SLAPP suit, meant to censor, intimidate and silence critics by burdening them with the cost of a legal defence. Even civil injunctions and damages claims can chill press freedom. Principle: a trade body cannot sue for general criticism of an entire industry, and public debate (such as whether pesticides harm life) cannot be stifled by intimidatory litigation.
National Stock Exchange of India v. Moneywise Media (2015): in June 2015 the online financial magazine Moneylife published an article by its editors Sucheta Dalal and Debashis Basu, based on an anonymous whistleblower's letter to the market regulator, alleging that the Exchange had given some traders unfair advantages in high-speed trading by placing their servers next to its systems. The Exchange sued for defamation and sought an injunction. Held: in September 2015 Justice G.S. Patel of the Bombay High Court refused the injunction, found no prima facie case, and called the suit an attempt at deflection and evasion and a gross abuse of the process of the court. He ordered costs of 1.5 lakh rupees to each journalist and 47 lakh rupees as exemplary costs to two hospitals for the free treatment of poor patients. Principle: courts are not playgrounds for imagined slights by those who command considerable resources; heavy costs can discourage SLAPP suits.
Swami Ramdev v. Juggernaut Books (2018), the other side of the balance: Juggernaut's 2017 biography of Baba Ramdev, Godman to Tycoon by the journalist Priyanka Pathak-Narain, discussed among other things the mysterious disappearance of his guru and the death of an associate. A Delhi civil court stopped its sale; an appellate court lifted that order; the matter reached the Delhi High Court. Held: in September 2018 Justice Anu Malhotra restrained publication and sale until certain portions were deleted. Those portions carried insinuations of crime although investigations had found no material against him; the rest was allowed as legitimate criticism and debate. Principle: even a public figure is a living person with a right to reputation under Article 21, which cannot be sacrificed at the altar of free speech; a fair comment must be recognisable as comment and must not impute disreputable motives without adequate evidence.
Indian courts thus sometimes grant pre-trial injunctions to protect reputation, and critics argue that this encourages SLAPP suits.
Protection of Critics of Public Officials: The American Rule
New York Times v. Sullivan (1964): in March 1960 civil rights supporters published a full-page advertisement in The New York Times, Heed Their Rising Voices, describing police action against protesting Black students in Montgomery, Alabama; some details were inaccurate. L. B. Sullivan, a city commissioner in charge of the police, though not named, sued the newspaper and four clergymen for libel, and an Alabama jury awarded him the full 500,000 dollars he claimed. Held: the United States Supreme Court unanimously reversed (Justice William Brennan). Debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust and wide-open, and may include vehement, caustic and sometimes unpleasantly sharp attacks on government and public officials; errors are inevitable in free debate. Principle: a public official cannot recover damages for a defamatory falsehood about his official conduct unless he proves actual malice.
Actual malice means the statement was made with knowledge that it was false, or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not. The rule protects honest mistakes; India adopted a version of it for public officials in Rajagopal.
Pre-Trial Injunctions Against the Media
Bloomberg Television Production Services India v. Zee Entertainment Enterprises (2024): a Delhi trial court, without hearing Bloomberg, ordered it to take down an article about the media company Zee, and the High Court refused to interfere. Held: in March 2024 the Supreme Court (Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud) set aside the order. Principle: an injunction against a publication, especially without hearing the other side, should not be granted unless the content is shown to be malicious or palpably false.
- The usual interim injunction test (prima facie case, balance of convenience, irreparable harm) must not be applied mechanically in defamation cases against the media.
- An injunction should be granted only in exceptional cases, where the defence is bound to fail at trial.
- A pre-trial injunction often acts as a death sentence for the material.
- The Court expressly recognised SLAPP suits, where powerful entities use prolonged litigation to keep the public from learning about matters of public interest.
Courts must look beyond the form of a defamation suit to its purpose. When a powerful plaintiff uses litigation to silence debate on a public issue, courts can refuse injunctions, reject the suit and impose heavy costs.
Defamatory Humour
Satire, parody, cartoons, stand-up comedy and memes are old and valuable forms of expression. They work through exaggeration and incongruity, that is, a deliberate mismatch between what is said and what is meant. The law generally protects them, because a reasonable audience does not take an obvious joke as a statement of fact.
The key question: would an ordinary, reasonable viewer understand the joke as asserting a real fact about the person? Humour is not a licence to spread false facts.
A cartoon showing a politician fast asleep on a pile of files is understood by everyone as comment on inefficiency. But a meme falsely suggesting that a named shopkeeper sells rotten food may be defamatory, even if labelled as a joke.
Bata India v. Prakash Jha Productions: these ideas were applied to a film song. Prakash Jha's 2012 film Chakravyuh was about the struggle between the rich and the poor. One of its songs named four business houses, Birla, Tata, Ambani and Bata, saying they had carved up the country for their own gain. Bata, the footwear company, sued for defamation. A single judge of the Delhi High Court restrained the release of the film if the name Bata remained in the song.
Defamatory Humour: Bata India v. Prakash Jha Productions
Satire and hyperbole are judged by how an ordinary listener understands them in their full setting, not word by word.
Bata India v. Prakash Jha Productions: a film song named four well-known business houses, one of them Bata. A Division Bench of the Delhi High Court stayed the single judge's order against the film, finding prima facie that, heard as a whole in its setting, the song was not defamatory of Bata: four business houses were named, and no listener was likely to take the words literally. The Supreme Court observed that the song was in poor taste and the names of business houses could have been avoided, but found no intention to damage the reputation of any particular business house, and directed that a disclaimer be shown with the song. The High Court later remarked that rhetoric is like poetry, because it shows the effect of things on the mind rather than giving an exact description. Principle: satire and hyperbole must be judged in context, and a disclaimer is often a better remedy than a ban.
Remedies for Defamation
A person defamed by the media has four kinds of remedy.
- Damages in a civil suit. Damages compensate for harm to reputation and feelings, and for any proved financial loss. They can be higher where the publication was deliberate or malicious. A civil suit for libel or slander must be filed within one year of the publication, under the Limitation Act.
- Injunction, a court order stopping publication. A permanent injunction may be granted after the trial. But, as held in the Bloomberg case, an interim injunction before trial is a form of prior restraint and should be granted only in exceptional cases.
- Criminal complaint under Section 356 of the B.N.S.
- Remedies outside court:
- a demand for a correction, an apology or a right of reply;
- a complaint to the Press Council against a newspaper, or to the self-regulatory bodies for television and digital news;
- for online content, a request to the platform to remove it under the Information Technology Rules; courts can also order platforms to take down defamatory posts.
In practice, a prompt correction and apology often repair a reputation better than money.
Media and the Judiciary
The relationship between the media and the courts is full of tension. The courts need the media, because it tells the public what happens in courtrooms. But they also fear it, because loud coverage can prejudice a trial or shake public faith in judges. The law balances these two sides.
Why the media reports court cases
Courts exercise great public power: a judge can send a person to prison or take away his property, and the public has a right to know how this power is used. Most citizens never enter a courtroom, so journalists act as their eyes and ears. When the public can watch, judges stay careful, witnesses stay truthful, and people trust the result.
The principle of open justice
Open justice: in an English case of 1923, Lord Hewart said that justice should not only be done, but should manifestly and undoubtedly be seen to be done.
In India, the principle is written into the procedural laws:
- Section 366 of the B.N.S.S. (which replaced Section 327 of the Code of Criminal Procedure): the place where a criminal court sits shall be deemed to be an open court, to which the public generally may have access, so far as it can conveniently hold them.
- The Code of Civil Procedure has a similar rule for civil courts.
Swapnil Tripathi v. Supreme Court of India (2018): Held: live streaming of court proceedings gives virtual access to open justice. Since 2022, the Supreme Court has live streamed its Constitution Bench hearings.
Chief Election Commissioner v. M.R. Vijayabhaskar (2021): the Supreme Court refused to stop the media from reporting oral remarks made by judges during a hearing. Principle: reporting what happens in open court is part of the freedom of the press.
Naresh Shridhar Mirajkar v. State of Maharashtra (1966): in a defamation suit by a businessman against the editor of the weekly Blitz in the Bombay High Court, a witness asked that his evidence not be reported, because reports of his earlier evidence had hurt his business. The judge orally ordered that it should not be published. A Blitz reporter and other journalists challenged the order in the Supreme Court. Held (nine judges, by majority): a High Court has inherent power to hold a trial, or part of it, in camera (in private), and may prohibit publication of part of the proceedings if the ends of justice clearly require it. Such a judicial order does not violate the fundamental rights of journalists. Justice Hidayatullah dissented: evidence given in open court cannot be suppressed merely because a witness fears for his business. Principle: open justice is the rule, but a court may depart from it when justice itself demands.
Exceptions to Open Justice
Open justice is not absolute; sometimes a public hearing would itself defeat justice. The main exceptions are:
- Sexual offences tried in camera. Trials for rape and related sexual offences, and for sexual offences against children, must be held in camera under Section 366 of the B.N.S.S. No one may print or publish anything about such proceedings without the court's permission, although the court may lift the ban while keeping the names and addresses of the parties confidential.
- Identity of the victim. The identity of a victim of rape or related offences must not be disclosed, except in a few cases the law allows, such as with her own written authorisation. Section 72 of the B.N.S. (earlier Section 228A of the IPC) punishes anyone who prints or publishes her name, or any matter that may reveal her identity. Section 73 punishes publishing the court proceedings in such cases without permission, though judgments of the High Courts and the Supreme Court may be published.
- Children. The Juvenile Justice Act, 2015 and the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012 forbid the media from revealing the name, address, school, photograph or any other detail that could identify a child in conflict with law, or a child who is a victim or a witness.
- Family cases and national security. Matrimonial and family cases may be heard in private. Under laws like the Official Secrets Act, the public may be excluded for reasons of national security.
- Postponement of publication. A court may temporarily postpone publication to protect a fair trial (the Sahara case, below).
Where a trial may be held
Mohammad Shahabuddin v. State of Bihar (2010): Shahabuddin, a Member of Parliament from Siwan in Bihar, faced many serious criminal cases. Notifications of the Patna High Court and the State government shifted his trials to special courts inside the District Jail at Siwan. He argued that a trial inside a jail can never be an open trial. Held (Supreme Court, concurring judgments of Justice Dalveer Bhandari and Justice Mukundakam Sharma): appeal dismissed. A public trial is the rule in all civilised countries, but in exceptional cases the venue may be shifted in the larger public interest. What matters is whether the public actually has access. A notice at the jail gate invited the public, people were admitted after recording their details, dozens of lawyers attended, and newspapers reported the proceedings daily. So the jail court was an open court. Principle: an open trial depends on real public access, not on the place of sitting.
Balancing open justice and protection of victims
Vijay Singhal v. Government of NCT of Delhi (2013) (NCT: National Capital Territory): after the brutal gang rape of a young woman in a moving bus in Delhi in December 2012, the trial court ordered in camera proceedings and barred publication without its permission; the police also issued an advisory against reporting. Journalists of national newspapers challenged these orders in the Delhi High Court. Held (Justice Rajiv Shakdher, March 2013): although rape trials are ordinarily held in camera, the trial court still has a discretion to allow particular persons to attend and to lift the ban on reporting; it should not act mechanically. The Court allowed calibrated access: one representative journalist from each accredited national daily could attend; reports could not name the victim, her family, the complainant or the witnesses; reporters had to leave out any part the court directed; and they had to share their reports with other newspapers and channels. Principle: the victim's identity was protected, yet the public could see how justice was done in a case that shook the nation.
Media Trials
Media trial: the media, through repeated and one-sided coverage, declares a person guilty or innocent before the court has decided. Television debates hold their own trial every night, with anchors as prosecutors and judges.
Four harms
- Presumption of innocence. Every accused is presumed innocent until proved guilty. A media trial reverses this and brands him a criminal; even if the court later acquits him, the public may never accept it.
- Fair trial. The right to a fair trial is part of Article 21. Witnesses may change their stories after watching the coverage.
- Pressure on judges. Judges are human; constant coverage may, even without their knowing, create pressure on them.
- Privacy and dignity. Leaks from the investigation, private messages and medical details may destroy the privacy and dignity of the accused, the victim and their families.
On the other side, in some famous cases persistent media coverage exposed the failures of the system and helped victims get justice in the higher courts. So the goal is not to silence the media, but to keep it within limits.
Legal tools against media trials
- The law of contempt (below).
- The Programme Code under the Cable Television Networks Rules, which forbids any television programme containing anything amounting to contempt of court, or anything defamatory or deliberately false.
- The self-regulatory codes of news broadcasters.
In 2006, the Law Commission, in its 200th Report, Trial by Media, recommended that the media be restrained from publishing prejudicial material from the time of arrest, and not only after a charge-sheet is filed. Parliament has not made that change, so the courts have developed the law through cases.
Postponement orders
Sahara India Real Estate Corporation v. Securities and Exchange Board of India (2012): the leading case on reporting of pending cases. During a dispute in the Supreme Court about refunds to investors, Sahara's lawyer sent a confidential proposal to the regulator's lawyer, and before the next hearing a television channel broadcast its details. Sahara asked the Court to frame guidelines for media reporting of pending cases. Held (Constitution Bench led by Chief Justice S.H. Kapadia): the Court refused to frame general guidelines, but developed the idea of postponement orders.
Conditions for a postponement order:
- The court may order the media to temporarily postpone reporting on a pending case only when there is a real and substantial risk of prejudice to the fairness of the trial or to the proper administration of justice.
- The order must be necessary and proportionate, for a limited period, and must not alter the content of the report.
- It is allowed only when other measures, like changing the venue or postponing the trial, cannot prevent the risk.
- It is a neutralising device, not a punishment, and is a reasonable restriction under Article 19(2).
- Any accused or aggrieved person who genuinely fears that a publication will harm his right to a fair trial can approach the High Court or the Supreme Court for such an order.
Media trial during an investigation
Nilesh Navalakha v. Union of India (2021): a leading modern case on media trials. After the death of the actor Sushant Singh Rajput in June 2020, some television channels campaigned for months: they declared that he had been murdered, demanded the arrest of an actress close to him, interviewed witnesses, discussed leaked evidence and attacked the Mumbai police. Former police officers and others filed public interest petitions in the Bombay High Court. Held (Division Bench of Chief Justice Dipankar Datta and Justice G.S. Kulkarni, January 2021): a media trial during an investigation can interfere with the administration of justice, and can amount to criminal contempt even before a charge-sheet is filed, because a fair investigation is an essential part of the administration of justice. The coverage of Republic TV and Times Now was prima facie contemptuous and could be seen as a violation of the Programme Code, but the Court chose not to start contempt proceedings, hoping they would act more responsibly in future.
The Court directed the press and media, during an investigation, not to:
- attack the character of the accused or the victim;
- interview victims or witnesses on screen, or analyse the versions of witnesses;
- present a confession made to the police as if it were admissible evidence;
- print photographs that help to identify an accused;
- criticise the investigators on half-baked information;
- pronounce on guilt or innocence, reconstruct the crime scene, or predict the next steps of the investigation;
- leak confidential material;
- in a case of suicide, portray the deceased as weak or intrude on his privacy.
Anchors must control guests who cross the line, and a disclaimer at the end of a programme does not save a channel from liability.
Contempt of Court
Contempt of court is the strongest legal weapon against a media that crosses the line. Articles 129 and 215 of the Constitution declare the Supreme Court and the High Courts to be courts of record, with the power to punish for contempt of themselves. The Contempt of Courts Act, 1971 defines two kinds of contempt.
| Civil contempt | Criminal contempt |
|---|---|
| Wilful disobedience of an order of a court, or wilful breach of an undertaking given to a court. | Publication of any matter, or doing of any act, that scandalises a court, prejudices a judicial proceeding, or obstructs the administration of justice. This is the kind that concerns the media. |
Three forms of criminal contempt
Criminal contempt is the publication of any matter, or the doing of any act, which:
- scandalises, or tends to scandalise, or lowers, or tends to lower, the authority of any court; or
- prejudices, or interferes or tends to interfere with, the due course of any judicial proceeding; or
- interferes or tends to interfere with, or obstructs or tends to obstruct, the administration of justice in any other manner.
Punishment: simple imprisonment up to six months, or fine up to 2,000 rupees, or both. The court may discharge the contemnor (the person guilty of contempt) if he makes a genuine apology.
If a channel announces during a pending trial that the accused is certainly guilty, and brands his main witness a liar, it may be guilty of criminal contempt.
Defences in contempt
- Section 3, innocent publication: a person who did not know, and had no reasonable grounds to believe, that a case was pending is not guilty. A criminal proceeding becomes pending when a charge-sheet is filed, or when the court issues a summons or a warrant.
- Section 4: a fair and accurate report of a judicial proceeding is not contempt.
- Section 5: fair criticism of the merits of a case that has been heard and finally decided is not contempt.
- Section 6: a complaint made in good faith about a judge of a subordinate court, to the High Court or to another subordinate court, is not contempt.
- Section 7: a fair and accurate report of proceedings held in chambers or in camera is not contempt, except in certain cases, for example where the court has expressly prohibited publication, or sat in private for reasons of public order or the security of the State.
- Section 13: no one shall be punished for contempt unless it substantially interferes, or tends substantially to interfere, with the due course of justice. Since an amendment in 2006, it also allows truth as a defence, if the court is satisfied that it is in the public interest and the request to rely on it is genuine.
Where fair criticism ends
Rama Dayal Markarha v. State of Madhya Pradesh (1978): a senior advocate in Umaria, Madhya Pradesh, had defended accused persons whom a magistrate convicted; the Sessions Court set aside the conviction on appeal. The advocate then published a pamphlet attacking the magistrate, asking whether the judge, with his wayward bend of mind, would go on using a wayward pen, and suggesting that he had resolved to convict despite there being no evidence. The High Court convicted him of contempt and fined him 1,000 rupees. Held (Supreme Court, Justice D.A. Desai): fair and reasonable criticism of a judgment is not contempt; it should even be encouraged, because no judge is infallible, and a critic may say a judgment is wrong in law or on facts. But saying that a judge was predisposed to convict, or had a wayward bend of mind, attributes motives and brings the administration of justice into ridicule. Contempt power must be used sparingly, with utmost restraint, because the court acts as both prosecutor and judge. The conviction was upheld, but the fine was reduced to a token one rupee.
Criticise the judgment, not the motives of the judge.
Scandalising the Court: The Test of Erosion of Public Confidence
Scandalising the court, the most sensitive kind of contempt, means attacking judges or courts in a way that lowers their authority in the eyes of the public.
Why it is punished: not to protect the personal dignity of judges; a judge who is personally insulted can sue for defamation like anyone else. The real reason is that courts have no army and no purse. Their orders are obeyed because people trust them, and if that trust is destroyed by false and reckless attacks, the rule of law itself suffers.
The test: the cases apply the test of erosion of public confidence. The question is not whether the words hurt a judge's feelings, but whether they are likely to shake public confidence in the administration of justice.
| Allowed | May be punished |
|---|---|
| Fair, reasoned and even strong criticism of judgments, or of the judicial system, made in good faith to improve it. | Baseless allegations of corruption or bias, which aim at or result in destroying public trust in the courts. |
Cases applying the test
M.R. Parashar v. Farooq Abdullah (1984): a newspaper reported that Farooq Abdullah, Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, told a meeting of judicial employees that justice was being bought in the courts and that he would not honour stay orders, and that he later expressed regret to the judges present. M.R. Parashar and others filed a contempt petition in the Supreme Court. The Chief Minister denied the statements; the editor insisted the report was true. Held (Supreme Court, Chief Justice Y.V. Chandrachud): petition dismissed, because criminal contempt must be proved like a criminal charge, and on the material before the Court the Chief Minister could not be held guilty. Observations: courts do not claim to be above criticism, and bona fide criticism helps an institution improve; but freedom of expression is not a licence to make unfounded allegations of corruption against the judiciary, which is indispensable for the rule of law yet has no forum from which to defend itself. An extempore speech gives no greater immunity than a written one.
Surya Prakash Khatri v. Madhu Trehan (the Wah India case): in 2001, the magazine Wah India graded the judges of the Delhi High Court individually on personal integrity, knowledge of law and quality of judgments, claiming to rely on the opinions of fifty unnamed senior lawyers. The Bar Council of Delhi and others filed contempt petitions against the editor-in-chief, Madhu Trehan, and other staff. Held (five judges of the Delhi High Court led by Chief Justice Arijit Pasayat, unanimously): a prima facie case of contempt was made out. The judiciary is not immune from criticism, but criticism based on obvious distortion or gross mis-statement, made in a manner designed to lower respect for the judiciary and destroy public confidence in it, cannot be ignored. Grading judges on integrity without any material tends to scandalise the court. Quoting Lord Denning, the Court said that the press is a watchdog of fair trials, and added that a watchdog must not become a bloodhound. The majority accepted the respondents' unconditional apology, on condition that it was published in five national English dailies; two judges would have rejected it as not genuine.
Hari Singh Nagra v. Kapil Sibal (2010): senior advocate Kapil Sibal wrote a message for a souvenir of a literary circle of lawyers, speaking frankly about falling standards in the legal profession and problems of the justice system, and suggesting reforms. In 1995, a newspaper published excerpts out of context, suggesting a frontal attack on the judiciary. Some advocates filed a criminal contempt petition, later transferred to the Supreme Court. Held (Supreme Court, Justice J.M. Panchal): proceedings dropped. Read as a whole, the message was fair criticism by a senior member of the Bar worried about the falling image of the legal community; it did not scandalise the court or lower its authority. The newspaper had torn the words out of context and apologised, and the souvenir was only an internal brochure for members. Principle: criticism aimed at reform, read in its full context, is not contempt.
A contested area
Prashant Bhushan contempt case (2020): the Supreme Court, on its own motion, held the lawyer Prashant Bhushan guilty of criminal contempt for two tweets. One said that future historians would mark the role of the Supreme Court, especially of the last four Chief Justices, in the destruction of democracy. The other commented on the Chief Justice riding an expensive motorcycle without a mask or helmet while the Court worked in a restricted lockdown mode. Held: the tweets could undermine the dignity and authority of the Supreme Court in the eyes of the public. Sentence: fine of one rupee; in default, three months' simple imprisonment and a three-year bar on practising in the Supreme Court. He paid the fine.
Critics argue that scandalising the court is a vague offence that chills legitimate criticism. England and Wales abolished this form of contempt in 2013.
Exam tip: report fairly, criticise judgments freely, but never attribute baseless motives to judges, and never prejudge a pending case.
Unit 4: Advertisements, Film and Broadcast
Beyond the limits that apply to all media, particular media have special rules. This unit covers cinema, broadcasting and OTT platforms (internet streaming services), and advertisements.
Cinema and Freedom of Expression
History
- The first film show in India was held in Bombay in July 1896.
- The first full-length Indian feature film, Raja Harishchandra by Dadasaheb Phalke, was released in 1913.
- Seeing the power of films over the masses, the British introduced censorship through the Cinematograph Act, 1918, and set up boards of censors in the major cities.
- After independence, Parliament passed the Cinematograph Act, 1952, which still governs film certification.
Films as speech
A film is a form of speech protected by Article 19(1)(a).
K.A. Abbas v. Union of India: Held: films may be treated differently from books and newspapers. A film combines moving pictures, sound and music, looks true to life, and has a very great effect on children and young people, so it can stir emotions more deeply than the printed word. Principle: films must be certified before public exhibition, and this prior certification is a valid restriction.
In later cases, the Supreme Court has said that the effect of a film must be judged by the standards of reasonable, strong-minded, firm and courageous people, not of weak and oversensitive minds who see danger in every hostile point of view.
From censorship to certification
Before 1983, the body was the Central Board of Film Censors; it was then renamed the Central Board of Film Certification. The change reflects the idea that the Board's main job is to classify films for suitable audiences, not to cut out whatever it dislikes.
F.A. Picture International v. Central Board of Film Certification (2004): the feature film Chand Bujh Gaya told the story of a Hindu boy and a Muslim girl whose friendship and lives are torn apart by communal riots in Gujarat. The CBFC refused to certify it at all: it showed gruesome communal violence, some characters were identifiable with real persons, and the Gujarat violence was still a live issue, so the film would aggravate the situation. The appellate tribunal agreed. Held (Bombay High Court, Justice D.Y. Chandrachud): orders quashed; the Board was directed to certify the film. Artists, writers and filmmakers are the eyes and ears of a free society, and its veritable lungs. Free speech is not conditional on views palatable to mainstream thought; dissent is the quintessence of democracy. The Constitution protects the artist's right to portray social reality in all its forms, and a film set against communal riots cannot be expected to avoid showing violence. Principle: where the Board's decision infringes free speech, the court has a duty to intervene.
Mahesh Bhatt v. Union of India (2009): in 2005, rules under the Cigarettes and Other Tobacco Products Act first banned any depiction of smoking in films and television programmes; later amendments required such films to get an Adult certificate and carry disclaimers and anti-tobacco warnings. The filmmaker Mahesh Bhatt challenged the rules. A Division Bench of the Delhi High Court split, so the matter went to a third judge. Held (Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul, January 2009): the rules were struck down. The Act only prohibited advertisements of tobacco, not its depiction in creative works, so the rules went beyond the parent Act. They also violated Article 19(1)(a), since the certification guidelines already discourage glamorising smoking. Directors should not have multifarious authorities breathing down their necks when indulging in creative art. Later history: in April 2009, the Supreme Court stayed this judgment, and the government later framed fresh rules. Today, films that show smoking must carry anti-tobacco health warnings and disclaimers.
The Central Board of Film Certification
- Set up under Section 3 of the Cinematograph Act.
- Consists of a Chairperson and not less than 12 and not more than 25 other members, all appointed by the Central Government.
- Headquarters in Mumbai; regional offices in nine cities, such as Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai and Cuttack.
- In each regional centre, the government appoints advisory panels of people from different walks of life, qualified to judge the effect of films on the public.
- Under the Cinematograph Certification Rules, 2024, at least one-third of the members of the Board and of the advisory panels should be women, and preferably half.
Appeals and revision
- Earlier, a person aggrieved by the Board could appeal to the Film Certification Appellate Tribunal, created after the K.A. Abbas case so that appeals would go to an independent body and not to a government officer.
- In 2021, the Tribunals Reforms law abolished the tribunal; appeals now go directly to the High Court.
- In 2023, the Central Government's power to revise the Board's decisions was removed from the Act, following the K.M. Shankarappa case.
Union of India v. K.M. Shankarappa (2000): Held: the Central Government could not sit in revision over the decision of the appellate tribunal, an expert quasi-judicial body. Principle: once an expert body has cleared a film, a possible law and order situation is no excuse, because maintaining law and order is the duty of the State.
The Process of Film Certification
The journey of a film made by Farhan:
- Application: Farhan applies online to the regional office with the film, its synopsis, full script and song lyrics.
- Examining Committee: the regional officer sends it to an Examining Committee. For a short film: one advisory panel member and one examining officer, one of whom must be a woman. For a long film: four advisory panel members and an examining officer, two of whom must be women. Each member records a written opinion with reasons.
- Decision: on the basis of these opinions, the Board decides on the certificate.
- Revising Committee: if the Chairperson or the applicant is not satisfied, the film can go to a Revising Committee of the Chairperson and up to nine members.
- Hearing: before any cuts or refusal, the applicant must be given a chance to be heard.
- Appeal: an aggrieved applicant can appeal to the High Court.
Kinds of certificate
| Certificate | Meaning |
|---|---|
| U | Unrestricted public exhibition. |
| UA | Unrestricted exhibition, but since the 2023 amendment with an age marker (UA 7+, UA 13+ or UA 16+), cautioning parents to decide whether a child below that age should watch. |
| A | Restricted to adults. |
| S | Restricted to a specialised audience, like doctors. |
The Board may also require cuts or modifications, or refuse a certificate altogether.
Other 2023 changes
- A certificate is now valid forever, instead of for ten years.
- A film certified Adult or S needs a separate certificate before it is shown on television or other media.
- Piracy, such as secretly recording a film in a theatre or exhibiting a pirated copy, is punishable with imprisonment of three months to three years, and a fine of 3 lakh rupees up to five per cent of the audited gross production cost of the film.
Guiding Principles of Certification
Section 5B(1)
A film shall not be certified if, in the Board's opinion, it or any part of it offends the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, or decency or morality; or involves defamation or contempt of court; or is likely to incite the commission of an offence.
The grounds in Section 5B(1) are exactly the grounds of Article 19(2).
Guidelines under Section 5B(2)
The guidelines issued by the government begin with five objectives:
- the medium of film should remain responsible and sensitive to the values of society;
- artistic expression and creative freedom should not be unduly curbed;
- certification should be responsive to social change;
- films should provide clean and healthy entertainment;
- as far as possible, films should be of aesthetic value and a good cinematic standard.
The Board must ensure, for example, that:
- anti-social activities like violence are not glorified;
- pointless scenes of violence and cruelty are not shown;
- scenes glamorising drugs, drinking or smoking are avoided;
- vulgarity, obscenity and double meaning words catering to baser instincts are not allowed;
- women are not degraded, and scenes of sexual violence, if germane to the theme, are kept to the minimum;
- words or visuals contemptuous of any racial, religious or other group are not presented.
Every film must be (1) judged in its entirety, from the point of view of its overall impact; and (2) examined in the light of the period it depicts and the contemporary standards of the country and its people.
Heckler's Veto
A heckler is a person who interrupts a speaker by shouting, booing or threatening.
Aadil is giving a lawful speech in a park. A group who dislike his views threaten violence if he continues. The police, instead of controlling the troublemakers, stop Aadil from speaking. In effect, the hecklers have been given a veto, the power to block speech.
Heckler's veto is wrong because it rewards those who threaten violence and punishes the person who spoke lawfully; if the State allows it, any group can silence any book, film or speech simply by threatening trouble. The constitutional rule: the State must protect the lawful speaker and control the troublemakers, and cannot silence the speaker merely because others threaten trouble. On the ground of public order, speech may be restricted only when the speech itself is closely and directly linked to the danger.
In films, it usually works like this: the CBFC certifies a film; some group claims that it hurts its sentiments and threatens protests; a State government bans the film, or the police quietly tell theatres not to screen it. The courts have repeatedly struck down such actions.
Leading cases
S. Rangarajan v. P. Jagjivan Ram (1989): the foundation of the Indian law on the heckler's veto. The Tamil film Ore Oru Gramathile criticised caste-based reservation. After review, the Board gave it a U certificate. Some people argued that it portrayed reservation in a biased way, hurt caste sentiments and would cause law and order problems in Tamil Nadu, and the Madras High Court revoked the certificate. Held (Supreme Court, Justice K. Jagannatha Shetty): certificate restored. A film cannot be suppressed merely because some people may react violently. The danger must not be remote, conjectural or far-fetched; the film must be as closely linked to the danger as a spark in a powder keg. Suppressing expression on account of threats of demonstrations, processions or violence would negate the rule of law and be a surrender to blackmail and intimidation. Principle: it is the State's duty to protect freedom of expression, and it cannot plead inability to handle a hostile audience.
Prakash Jha Productions v. Union of India (2011): the film Aarakshan (reservation) was certified by the Board. Around its release in 2011, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab and Andhra Pradesh suspended its screening, fearing trouble. Punjab and Andhra Pradesh withdrew their orders once the producers went to court, but Uttar Pradesh defended its order, relying on a high-level committee that had watched the film and suggested deleting some portions. Held (Supreme Court Bench led by Justice Mukundakam Sharma, August 2011): Uttar Pradesh's order quashed. The State's committee had tried to sit over the Board's decision and demand cuts, a power of pre-censorship the State simply does not have. Principle: once the expert Board has cleared a film, the State cannot prohibit its screening on the ground of a possible law and order problem; the State must maintain law and order effectively.
Srishti School of Art, Design and Technology v. Chairperson, Central Board of Film Certification (2011): Srishti School, Bengaluru, produced the documentary Had-Anhad, one of four films by Shabnam Virmani on the life and teachings of the fifteenth century poet Kabir. In one part, the filmmaker talks to people in Ayodhya about the demolition of the Babri Masjid and communal hatred. The Board certified it for unrestricted viewing only with four cuts, fearing, among other things, a threat to public order; the appellate tribunal upheld three cuts. Held (Justice S. Muralidhar, Delhi High Court, March 2011): all cuts set aside. Having watched the film, the judge found that it invites a civilised debate on difficult questions through the words of Kabir; a viewer who watches it to the end is unlikely to feel hatred for any community, and may rather reflect on the futility of bigotry and violence. Principle: the fear of disorder was baseless, and the film was to be certified without cuts.
Phantom Films v. Central Board of Film Certification (2016), the Udta Punjab case: the film showed drug addiction among the youth of Punjab. The producers sought an Adult certificate, but the Revising Committee demanded thirteen cuts, including removing the names of Punjab and its towns, references to elections and politicians, close shots of drug injections and many abusive words. Held (Division Bench of the Bombay High Court, judgment by Justice S.C. Dharmadhikari, June 2016): all cuts set aside except one (a character urinating in front of a crowd) and a change in the disclaimer. The central theme was the menace of drugs; a few shots of injections do not glamorise drug use, and stray lines do not insult the whole State of Punjab. None can dictate to a creative person how to make his film, and a Board of Film Certification is not obliged to censor films. An Adult certificate was directed within forty-eight hours.
Nachiket Walhekar v. Central Board of Film Certification (2017): the petitioner sought to stop the release of An Insignificant Man, a documentary about the politician Arvind Kejriwal, because it contained a clip of the petitioner himself from an incident for which a criminal case against him was pending; he argued it would prejudice his case and reputation. Held (Supreme Court Bench led by Chief Justice Dipak Misra, November 2017): petition dismissed. The clip had already been shown by the media. A film, drama, novel or book is a creation of art; an artist has his own freedom to express himself in a manner not prohibited by law, and such prohibitions should not be read by implication so as to crucify the rights of expressive minds. Whether the film could be used as evidence at his trial was for the trial court to decide under the law of evidence.
Viacom 18 Media v. Union of India (2018), the Padmaavat case: Sanjay Leela Bhansali's film faced violent protests from groups claiming it distorted history and insulted the queen Padmavati. The Board certified it after changes, including a new title, yet several States, including Gujarat and Rajasthan, issued notifications banning its exhibition. Held (Supreme Court Bench led by Chief Justice Dipak Misra, January 2018): the bans were stayed and other States restrained from issuing similar orders. Once the Board issues a certificate, there is a presumption that it has considered all the guidelines, including public order. Principle: the State's duty is to maintain law and order, not to stop a lawfully certified film.
Adarsh Cooperative Housing Society v. Union of India (2018): a Mumbai housing society involved in a well-known corruption case asked the Supreme Court to stop the release of the film Aiyaary, or to remove its references to the society, arguing that it would prejudice its pending cases and harm its members' reputation. Held (Supreme Court, Chief Justice Dipak Misra, February 2018): petition dismissed. Courts decide cases on the evidence before them, not on what is shown on screen. The doctrine of sub judice (the rule against prejudicing pending cases) cannot be stretched to deny free speech merely because a film refers to a party. Any restriction on free speech must be extremely narrow, and whether a disclaimer is needed is for the Board, not the court, to decide.
Indibily Creative v. Government of West Bengal (2019): the Bengali political satire Bhobishyoter Bhoot, directed by Anik Dutta, received a UA certificate. A few days before its release in Kolkata in February 2019, a senior police officer wrote to the producers demanding a special screening, saying the film might hurt public sentiments. The day after release, it was pulled out of almost all theatres, though no law authorised this. Held (Supreme Court, Justice D.Y. Chandrachud, April 2019): the State had used its police to stop a certified film, an unlawful and unconstitutional restraint. The Court stressed the State's positive duty to protect free speech, quoting the question asked in Rangarajan: what good is the protection of freedom of expression if the State does not take care to protect it? The State was ordered to pay 20 lakh rupees as compensation to the producers and 1 lakh rupees as costs. Principle: a State that unlawfully stops a certified film can be made to pay.
Common lesson: once a film is certified by the expert body created by law, the State cannot ban it merely because some people threaten trouble; its duty is to maintain law and order and protect the screening. Creative freedom includes the freedom to offend, to criticise and to tell uncomfortable stories. A person who dislikes a film may criticise it or not watch it, but may not stop others from watching it.
Broadcasting Law and Its History
Broadcasting means sending sound or pictures by radio waves, cable or satellite to the public at large.
History
| Year | Event |
|---|---|
| 1923 | Radio broadcasting begins with amateur radio clubs, such as the Radio Club of Bombay. |
| 1927 | A private Indian Broadcasting Company starts stations in Bombay and Calcutta. |
| 1930 | The company fails; the government takes over broadcasting as the Indian State Broadcasting Service. |
| 1936 | Renamed All India Radio (also called Akashvani from 1957). |
| 1959 | Television begins in Delhi on 15 September as an experiment. |
| 1965 | Regular daily television service begins. |
| 1976 | Television separated from radio as Doordarshan. |
| 1982 | National programmes and colour television arrive, around the Asian Games in Delhi. |
For more than forty years after independence, broadcasting was a government monopoly, and critics said it served the party in power. Committees recommended autonomy, and Parliament passed the Prasar Bharati Act, 1990, which came into force only in 1997. It created Prasar Bharati, an autonomous public broadcaster that runs All India Radio and Doordarshan.
The monopoly was broken in two ways:
- from 1991, foreign satellite channels began to beam programmes into India, and cable operators spread them across the cities;
- in the Cricket Association of Bengal case, the Supreme Court held that the airwaves are public property and that a government monopoly over broadcasting is inconsistent with free speech.
Regulation of private television
Private television is regulated mainly by the Cable Television Networks Regulation Act, 1995:
- Sections 5 and 6: no one may transmit a programme or advertisement through a cable service unless it conforms to the Programme Code and the Advertising Code in the Cable Television Networks Rules, 1994.
- Section 20: the Central Government can prohibit a channel or programme in the interest of the sovereignty and integrity of India, security, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, and can prohibit a programme that violates these codes.
- Channels also need permission from the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting under its uplinking and downlinking guidelines.
The Programme Code (Rule 6) says that a programme must not, for example, offend good taste or decency; attack religions or communities; contain anything obscene, defamatory, deliberately false, or suggestive innuendos and half-truths; encourage violence; amount to contempt of court; or cast aspersions on the integrity of the President and the judiciary. Since 2015, it also bars live coverage of anti-terrorist operations, allowing only periodic briefings by an officer designated by the government until the operation ends.
Proposed reform: a draft Broadcasting Services Regulation Bill was released in 2023 to replace the Cable Television Act and bring online content under one law. After strong criticism, a revised draft was withdrawn in 2024, and no new law has been passed.
Complaint Procedures against the Media
When the media crosses the line, a reader or viewer can complain. There are separate complaint systems for print, television and digital media.
Print: the Press Council of India
Complaints against newspapers go to the Press Council of India under Section 14 of the Press Council Act, 1978.
- Composition: a Chairperson, who by convention is a retired judge of the Supreme Court, and 28 members drawn from working journalists, editors, owners, Parliament and other fields. Its present Chairperson is Justice Ranjana Prakash Desai.
- Prior step: before complaining, the complainant must first draw the attention of the editor to the matter.
- Time limit: the complaint must be filed within two months of publication for dailies, weeklies and news agencies, and within four months in other cases.
- Powers: after hearing the newspaper, the Council may warn, admonish or censure the newspaper, the editor or the journalist, or disapprove of their conduct. It may direct the newspaper to publish the particulars of its decision.
- Limits: the Council cannot impose fines or award damages, and it has no power over television or digital media.
Because it can only warn, admonish, censure or disapprove, and cannot fine or award damages, critics often call the Press Council a "watchdog without teeth".
Television: the three-tier system
The Cable Television Networks Amendment Rules of 2021 created a three-tier system for complaints against television content.
- First level: the broadcaster itself deals with the complaint through a grievance officer, who must acknowledge it within 24 hours and decide it within 15 days.
- Second level: the complainant can approach a self-regulating body of broadcasters, registered with the Central Government.
- Third level: an appeal lies to the oversight mechanism of the Central Government, where an Inter-Departmental Committee hears the matter and makes recommendations to the Ministry.
The News Broadcasters and Digital Association
The most important self-regulating body for news channels is run by the News Broadcasters and Digital Association (earlier called the News Broadcasters Association), formed by private news broadcasters.
- In 2008 it adopted a Code of Ethics and Broadcasting Standards and set up an independent authority to enforce it.
- This authority is now called the News Broadcasting and Digital Standards Authority (NBDSA). It also covers the digital news platforms of its members.
- It is headed by an eminent jurist, and includes independent members and editors.
The NBDSA Code
The Code asks channels to:
- be impartial and objective;
- ensure that allegations are not presented as facts, and charges are not conveyed as proof of guilt;
- respect privacy; and
- avoid sensationalism.
Procedure before the NBDSA
- A viewer must first complain to the broadcaster within 15 days of the broadcast, and the broadcaster must reply within 15 days.
- If not satisfied, the viewer may approach the NBDSA within 15 days of the reply.
- The Authority hears both sides and decides, ordinarily within three months.
Powers of the NBDSA
- Warn, admonish or censure the broadcaster.
- Direct it to telecast an apology.
- Order the content to be removed.
- Impose fines. The old maximum fine of one lakh rupees was widely criticised as too low. Under the amended regulations, fines rise in steps for repeated violations, up to twenty five lakh rupees.
- Suspend a programme for up to a week, or direct that an anchor be taken off air for up to a month.
Entertainment channels
For entertainment channels, a similar body, the Broadcasting Content Complaints Council, is run by the Indian Broadcasting and Digital Foundation.
The main weakness of all self-regulation is that it binds only members who choose to join, and only through their own consent.
OTT Platforms
OTT stands for "over the top". It means content delivered directly to viewers over the internet, going over the top of cable and satellite networks. Streaming services such as Netflix and Amazon Prime Video are OTT platforms, and so are many Indian services.
The legal gap
A film shown in a theatre needs a certificate from the CBFC, and a television channel must follow the Programme Code. But a web series streamed to a phone fell under neither.
Padmanabh Shankar v. Union of India (2019): a petitioner asked the Karnataka High Court to declare that films and serials transmitted over the internet are covered by the Cinematograph Act, and that watching them at home amounts to public exhibition, so that they would need certification. Held: in August 2019, a Division Bench led by the Chief Justice refused. Transmission over the internet does not fall within the definitions of the Cinematograph Act. The Court noted that the Information Technology Act may deal with objectionable content, and that the voluntary self-regulation code of the platforms created no enforceable rights. But the concern deserved serious consideration by the government, within the four corners of law. Principle: internet streaming is not covered by film certification under the Cinematograph Act.
The Code of Ethics for OTT
The government responded in February 2021 with the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules. Part III of these Rules applies to publishers of online curated content (OTT platforms) and to publishers of digital news, and it is administered by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting.
The Code of Ethics for OTT platforms has five main parts:
- Prohibited content: they must not transmit content prohibited by law, and must use caution about content affecting the sovereignty and integrity of India, public order, and the multi-racial and multi-religious context of India.
- Age classification: content must be classified as U, UA 7+, UA 13+, UA 16+ or A (Adult).
- Display of rating: the rating and content descriptors, such as violence, nudity or strong language, must be displayed before each programme.
- Access controls: parental locks for content rated UA 13+ or higher, and a reliable age verification system for Adult content.
- Accessibility: they should improve accessibility for persons with disabilities.
Three-tier grievance system for OTT
- First level: the platform's grievance officer must decide a complaint within 15 days.
- Second level: a self-regulating body, headed by a retired judge of the Supreme Court or a High Court, or an eminent person, with not more than six members, and registered with the Ministry, hears unresolved complaints.
- Third level: an Inter-Departmental Committee of the government can recommend action, such as a warning, an apology, reclassification, or modification of content.
In an emergency, the government can also order content to be blocked.
Challenges to the Rules
- In August 2021, the Bombay High Court, on petitions by a digital news portal and a journalist, stayed the rules that made the Code of Ethics binding and set up the three-tier system to enforce it. It found them prima facie beyond the Information Technology Act and a threat to free speech.
- In 2024, the Supreme Court transferred all challenges to these Rules to the Delhi High Court, where they remain pending, and the interim protection continues.
- In practice, OTT platforms follow the age classification and the self-regulatory system.
Recent developments
- In 2025, after controversy over vulgar remarks on an online comedy show, the Ministry issued an advisory reminding platforms to follow the Code of Ethics.
- Later that year, the government blocked access to 25 apps that streamed obscene content.
In the College Romance case, the Supreme Court warned that vulgarity and profanity are not obscenity by themselves. So regulation of OTT must stay within Article 19(2).
Advertisements and Commercial Speech
Advertisement: a paid message that promotes a product, a service, an idea or a person.
Advertising is also the lifeblood of the media, because most newspapers and channels earn much of their income from it. Advertising law therefore raises two questions:
- Is advertising protected as free speech?
- How far can the law control it to protect consumers?
Is advertising free speech?
At first, the Supreme Court said no.
Hamdard Dawakhana v. Union of India (1959): challenge to the Drugs and Magic Remedies (Objectionable Advertisements) Act, 1954, which bans advertisements of medicines claiming to treat certain diseases. Held: the Act was largely upheld. These advertisements dealt with trade and commerce, not with the propagation of ideas. Principle: such advertisements were not part of freedom of speech.
Tata Press Ltd. v. Mahanagar Telephone Nigam Ltd. (1995): Tata Press published "Tata Press Yellow Pages", a buyer's guide made up of advertisements by businessmen, traders and professionals. Mahanagar Telephone Nigam, the public telephone company, sued to stop it, arguing that under the Indian Telegraph Act and its rules only it could publish a telephone directory. Held (Justice Kuldip Singh): commercial speech is part of freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a). Advertisements give the public information about goods and services, and the public has a right to receive that information; in a free economy this information is vital for making choices. The Court agreed with an earlier ruling that the Hamdard Dawakhana case had been stated too broadly, since it only dealt with advertisements of prohibited drugs, which were against public interest. But commercial speech which is deceptive, unfair, misleading or untruthful can be regulated or prohibited. On the facts, the Yellow Pages was a buyer's guide, not a telephone directory, so Tata Press could publish it, as long as it did not copy the white pages listing only names and numbers. Principle: commercial speech is protected under Article 19(1)(a), but misleading commercial speech is not.
Present position: advertising is protected speech, but misleading advertising is not. And the State cannot use its own advertising to punish newspapers.
Government advertising
Ganashakti v. State of West Bengal (2015): Ganashakti is a Bengali daily newspaper, accredited by the central government's advertising agency. The government of West Bengal stopped giving it government advertisements, saying that it was an organ of a political party, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), and that the State could not fund a political party with public money. Held (Justice Debangsu Basak, Calcutta High Court): the decision was set aside. No policy of refusing advertisements to politically affiliated newspapers had even been placed on record. Although the government, as a buyer of advertising space, can choose where to advertise, it has no right to discriminate among newspapers that are similarly placed. The State had to consider Ganashakti for advertisements on the same basis as other newspapers in its category. Principle: government advertising is public money, and it cannot be used to reward friendly newspapers and starve critical ones.
Common Cause v. Union of India (2015): the Supreme Court regulated the content of government advertising itself. Held: it laid down guidelines to ensure that government advertisements inform the public, and are not used to glorify political personalities.
Statutory Regulation of Advertising
The Consumer Protection Act, 2019
This is the most important law controlling advertisements.
Misleading advertisement: one which falsely describes a product or service, or gives a false guarantee. An advertisement is also misleading if it is likely to mislead consumers about the nature, substance, quantity or quality of the product, or makes a representation that would be an unfair trade practice, or deliberately conceals important information.
The Act created the Central Consumer Protection Authority (CCPA). Its powers under Section 21:
- Order a false or misleading advertisement to be withdrawn or modified.
- Impose a penalty of up to ten lakh rupees on the manufacturer or the endorser, and up to fifty lakh rupees for every later contravention.
- Bar an endorser from endorsing any product for up to one year, and up to three years for a later contravention.
- But an endorser is not liable if he exercised due diligence to verify the claims.
Under Section 89, a manufacturer or service provider who causes a false or misleading advertisement can also be imprisoned for up to two years, and for up to five years for a later offence.
CCPA Guidelines for the Prevention of Misleading Advertisements (June 2022)
- Advertisements must be truthful and honest, and must not exaggerate.
- Surrogate advertising is prohibited.
- Bait advertisements, free claims, and advertisements aimed at children are regulated.
- Disclaimers must not hide material information or try to correct a misleading claim.
- An endorsement must reflect the genuine opinion of the endorser, based on adequate information about or experience of the product.
Product-specific laws
- Drugs and Magic Remedies Act: bans advertisements of medicines for listed diseases and of magic remedies.
- Cigarettes and Other Tobacco Products Act, 2003: bans direct and indirect advertisements of tobacco.
- Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Act, 2025: bans online money games and their advertisements.
- Indecent Representation of Women Act: forbids advertisements that depict women indecently.
- Advertising Code under the Cable Television Networks Rules: forbids television advertisements that violate the code of the Advertising Standards Council of India.
Indian Medical Association v. Union of India (2024): the case about misleading advertisements by Patanjali. Held: in May 2024 the Supreme Court directed that every advertiser must file a self-declaration of compliance, through online portals, before an advertisement is published or broadcast. It also stressed that celebrities and influencers who endorse products share responsibility for misleading claims.
Advertising Techniques
The common techniques of advertising, and where the law draws the line:
Generally permissible techniques (with limits)
- Puffery: exaggerated praise that no reasonable person takes literally, like "the tastiest coffee in the world". It is generally allowed. But a specific and measurable claim, like "twice the protein", must be true.
- Comparative advertising: compares a product with a rival's. It is lawful if it is honest, but not if it denigrates the rival.
- Endorsements and testimonials: use celebrities, experts or ordinary users to vouch for a product. The endorser must now take care.
- Emotional appeals: use fear, love, guilt or national pride. A fear appeal, such as suggesting that a child will fall behind without a health drink, can become unfair.
Problematic techniques
- Bait advertising: offers a product at a very low price to attract customers, when the product is not really available.
- Surrogate advertising: promotes a banned product, like liquor, by advertising something else with the same brand name, like soda or music.
- Subliminal advertising: hides messages that the viewer does not consciously notice.
- Native advertising and advertorials: advertisements dressed up as news or articles, which deceive readers unless clearly labelled.
- Product placement: shows a brand inside a film or web series.
- Influencer marketing: uses social media personalities, who must now clearly disclose paid promotions.
- Dark patterns: in digital commerce, the CCPA has banned 13 dark patterns, that is, deceptive design tricks, such as false urgency (a claim that only two items are left) or hidden charges added at the last step.
Kinds of Advertisements
| Basis of classification | Kinds |
|---|---|
| By purpose | Commercial or product advertisements; institutional advertisements that build a company's image; public service advertisements on issues like health or road safety; political advertisements; government advertisements |
| By medium | Print, television, radio, outdoor and digital advertisements |
| By form | Display advertisements (with pictures and design); classified advertisements (small text notices for jobs, property or marriage) |
| Special kinds with special rules | Comparative, surrogate and children's advertisements |
Political advertisements on television need prior certification from committees of the Election Commission.
Comparative Advertising and Disparagement
The basic principles were set out by the Calcutta High Court in the Reckitt and Colman case, in the late 1990s:
- A trader may declare that his goods are the best in the world, even if this is not true.
- He may say that his goods are better than his competitor's, and compare their advantages.
- But he cannot say that his competitor's goods are bad, because that is disparagement, a kind of defamation of goods, which the court can stop by injunction.
The Delhi High Court later added that a court must look at the intent of the advertisement, its manner, its storyline and the message it conveys. The Trade Marks Act also allows a rival's mark to be used in comparison only if the use is honest.
Saying "my goods are better" is permitted comparison; saying "my rival's goods are bad" is disparagement, a kind of defamation of goods, restrainable by injunction.
Horlicks v. Heinz India (2018): Heinz published an advertisement comparing its drink, Complan, with Horlicks, saying that one cup of Complan gives as much protein as two cups of Horlicks, based on the recommended serving size of each. Horlicks sued, arguing that the comparison was misleading because Complan's serving was larger, and that protein should be compared per hundred grams. Held (Justice Manmohan, Delhi High Court, December 2018): injunction against the modified advertisement refused. Comparing protein per serving was within the creative latitude of the advertiser, and the comparison was on a material, relevant, verifiable and representative feature. The slogan "from now on only Complan" was an exhortation, and the public expects a certain amount of hyperbole in advertising. A comparison that is unfavourable to a rival is not dishonest merely for that reason, so the advertisement was neither misleading nor disparaging. Principle: an honest comparison on a material, relevant, verifiable and representative feature is permitted, even if it is unfavourable to the rival.
Hindustan Unilever v. Gujarat Cooperative Milk Marketing Federation (2017): the makers of Amul ice cream ran television advertisements urging viewers to reward a brave child with real milk ice cream, and not with frozen desserts. The advertisements suggested that all frozen desserts are made with vanaspati (hydrogenated vegetable oil) and told viewers to check the pack before buying. Hindustan Unilever, the market leader in frozen desserts, sued for disparagement of the whole product category. Held (Justice S.J. Kathawalla, Bombay High Court, 2017): the advertisements were restrained. They created the false impression that all frozen desserts contain vanaspati, and ran a negative campaign asking consumers not to buy them, which is not permitted in law. In 2018, a Division Bench partly modified the order: it upheld the finding of disparagement, but only for the specific offending frames, which had to be deleted, and it removed a broader restriction. Principle: an advertiser may praise his own product, but cannot falsely attack a whole category of rival products.
Legal Issues in Advertising
The main legal issues that advertising raises today:
- Misleading claims, especially health claims, like cures for diseases, fairness creams and quick weight loss.
- Surrogate advertising of liquor and tobacco.
- Advertising to children, who cannot easily tell fact from promotion.
- Harmful stereotypes, such as advertisements that portray women as objects, or that suggest that fair skin brings success.
- Liability of celebrities and influencers for what they endorse.
- Disguised advertising, from paid news to unlabelled influencer posts.
- Misuse of government advertising and political advertising during elections.
The Advertising Standards Council of India
The Advertising Standards Council of India (ASCI) is the main self-regulatory body for advertising. It was set up in 1985 by advertisers, advertising agencies and the media. It is a non-profit company, not a government body.
Code for Self-Regulation of Advertising Content in India: four principles
- Advertisements must be honest and truthful, and must not mislead.
- They must not be offensive to generally accepted standards of public decency.
- They must not promote products or situations that are harmful to society or to individuals, particularly children.
- They must be fair in competition, and must not unfairly attack competitors.
How ASCI works
- Any consumer, competitor or organisation can file a complaint, and ASCI also monitors advertisements on its own.
- The complaint is examined by its Consumer Complaints Council, which includes independent members from civil society as well as experts from the industry.
- The advertiser is given a chance to respond.
- If the advertisement violates the Code, the advertiser is asked to modify or withdraw it. In practice, most advertisers comply.
ASCI's decisions carry legal weight in one important way: under the Advertising Code for television, an advertisement that violates the ASCI Code cannot be broadcast.
ASCI has also issued special guidelines for new problems. Since June 2021, its guidelines for influencer advertising require influencers to label promotional posts clearly, with words such as Ad, Advertisement, Sponsored or Collaboration.
Prince runs a company that sells a health drink. His advertisement may say that it tastes great, which is puffery. It may compare his protein content fairly with a rival's, as in the Horlicks case. But it cannot claim to cure diabetes, which would violate the Drugs and Magic Remedies Act. It cannot falsely say that rival drinks are made from harmful fat, as in the Amul case. And the cricketer who endorses it must verify the claims, or face penalties under the Consumer Protection Act.
Unit Five: Media Ethics and Contemporary Issues
Having studied what the law allows and forbids, this unit asks a different question: even when something is legal, is it right?
Law and ethics
A bus accident has killed several children. A television reporter pushes a microphone towards a weeping mother and asks, "How do you feel?" No law stops him, but most people feel that something is wrong. This is the difference between law and ethics.
| Law | Ethics |
|---|---|
| Tells us the minimum we must do | Tells us what a good professional should do |
| Enforced by courts and punishment | Enforced mainly by conscience, peers, codes of conduct and the trust of the audience |
Why ethics matter so much in media
- Many harms fall outside the law. A story may be true and not defamatory, and yet be cruel, one-sided or careless.
- The media asks for trust. Once people stop trusting the news, a free press loses its value to democracy.
Sources of ethical standards
- Newspapers: the most important source is the Norms of Journalistic Conduct of the Press Council of India, whose latest full edition was issued in 2022, with some norms added later. They cover accuracy and fairness, verification before publication, corrections, the right of reply, privacy, the identity of victims, paid news, trial by media, sting operations and the reporting of suicide.
- News channels: the Code of the NBDSA.
- OTT platforms: the Code of Ethics under the Information Technology Rules.
- Advertisers: the ASCI Code.
- Internationally: a simple and popular formula comes from the Society of Professional Journalists in the United States, with four principles: seek truth and report it; minimise harm; act independently; and be accountable and transparent.
Accuracy and Fairness
Accuracy
The first duty of a journalist is accuracy:
- Check facts before publishing, especially when a story can harm someone.
- Use more than one source.
- Separate facts from opinions, and news from advertisements.
- When a mistake happens, correct it promptly and with due prominence.
The race to break news first is the biggest enemy of accuracy. A wrong name flashed as the accused in a murder case can ruin an innocent life in minutes.
Fairness
Fairness means hearing the other side before publishing a serious allegation, giving the person a real chance to respond, and reporting that response. It also means giving a right of reply after publication.
If Farhan writes that a hospital overcharged patients, he should put the charge to the hospital and print its answer, even if he does not believe it.
Privacy and Sensationalism
Privacy
Privacy is now a fundamental right, after the decision of a bench of nine judges in Justice K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India in 2017.
For the media, the key distinction is between the public interest and what merely interests the public. The corruption of a minister is a matter of public interest; his daughter's wedding menu is only gossip. A public figure accepts scrutiny of his public role, but not of every private corner of his life.
Special care is needed for victims of sexual offences, children, persons with mental illness, and grieving families.
Sensationalism
Sensationalism means presenting news in a shocking or exaggerated way to grab attention.
- Signs: loud music, dramatic graphics, screaming anchors, and speculation presented as fact.
- Cause: the pressure of ratings and clicks.
- Effects: it turns tragedies into entertainment and debates into shouting matches, and pushes serious issues out of the news.
Responsible reporting in a crisis
During the terror attack on Mumbai in November 2008, television channels broadcast the movements of security forces live, which put the operation at risk. So since 2015, the Programme Code bars live coverage of anti-terrorist operations, allowing only periodic official briefings until the operation ends.
The same care is needed while reporting communal riots. The Press Council's norms ask newspapers to avoid inflammatory reporting and unverified rumours during communal disturbances.
Contemporary Issues
1. Misinformation
False information spreads faster than the truth on social media. Some of it is honest error, and some is deliberate disinformation meant to deceive. For journalists, the duty is to verify before sharing, to avoid amplifying rumours, and to fact-check openly. But the law must be careful here.
Kunal Kamra v. Union of India (2024): in 2023, the Information Technology Rules were amended to let a fact check unit of the government identify information about the Central Government as fake, false or misleading, after which platforms would have had to act against it. Held: in September 2024, the Bombay High Court struck down this rule. The words "fake, false and misleading" were vague, and the rule would have a chilling effect on free speech. Principle: fighting misinformation cannot become a licence for the government to decide what is true about itself.
2. Artificial intelligence and deepfakes
Anyone can now create a fake video in which a real person says things he never said. This is called a deepfake. It can be used to defame a person, to create sexual images of a woman without her consent, or to mislead voters.
- The Information Technology Rules were amended again in February 2026. Platforms must now ensure that synthetically generated content, that is, content created or altered by artificial intelligence to look real, carries a clear label.
- Platforms must remove unlawful content within three hours of a court order or a government notice.
- The older laws also apply. A deepfake that harms a person's reputation can be defamation, and a sexually explicit deepfake can be punished under Section 67A of the Information Technology Act.
- Ethically, a newsroom that uses artificial intelligence should label it clearly, should never use it to invent quotes or images of real events, and should keep a human responsible for every story.
3. Digital surveillance
Journalists depend on confidential sources. If phones can be secretly hacked, sources will stop talking. In 2021, reports alleged that the phones of many journalists, activists and politicians had been targeted with Pegasus, a powerful spyware that its maker says it sells only to governments.
Manohar Lal Sharma v. Union of India (October 2021): the Pegasus case. Held: the Supreme Court refused to accept a vague claim of national security from the government, and appointed an independent technical committee, supervised by a retired judge, Justice R.V. Raveendran. Surveillance can have a chilling effect on the press, and the protection of journalistic sources is one of the basic conditions for the freedom of the press. In 2022, the committee reported that it had found malware in some of the phones examined, but could not conclude that it was Pegasus, and the Court noted that the government had not cooperated.
The new privacy law: the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 regulates the processing of personal data. Its Rules were notified in November 2025, with most duties applying after eighteen months. Unlike earlier drafts, the Act contains no special exemption for journalism. Critics therefore fear that reporting which uses personal data may need consent, and that its amendment to the Right to Information Act will make it harder for journalists to get information about public officials.
4. Influence of social media
- Algorithms show people more of what they already believe, creating echo chambers.
- Influencers now act as news sources without any editorial checks.
- Paid campaigns, bots and trolls can make a fringe view look popular.
- The old problem of paid news, where money is taken to publish favourable stories disguised as news, has found new forms online.
5. Conflict of interest
When a media house is owned by a business group, or depends on government advertising, its reporting on that group or that government may be softened. Ethics demands disclosure of such interests, and a wall between the business side and the newsroom.
Resolving Ethical Dilemmas
Sometimes two duties clash; for example, the duty to tell the truth may clash with the duty to respect privacy. Philosophers offer two main approaches.
The teleological approach
The word comes from the Greek word telos, meaning end or goal. This approach judges an action by its consequences. The right action is the one that produces the best overall result, the greatest good for the greatest number. This is the idea of utilitarianism, developed by Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill. A journalist following this approach asks: if I publish this, who will benefit, who will be harmed, and does the good outweigh the harm?
The deontological approach
The word comes from the Greek word deon, meaning duty. This approach says that some actions are right or wrong in themselves, whatever the consequences. The German philosopher Immanuel Kant gave two famous tests:
- Act only on a rule that you would be willing to see everyone follow.
- Always treat human beings as ends in themselves, never merely as means to your goal.
A journalist following this approach asks: what is my duty here? Would I accept this conduct if everyone did it? Am I using this person merely as a tool for my story?
| Point | Teleological approach | Deontological approach |
|---|---|---|
| Origin of word | Greek telos (end or goal) | Greek deon (duty) |
| Test | Judges an action by its consequences | Some actions are right or wrong in themselves, whatever the consequences |
| Thinkers | Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill (utilitarianism) | Immanuel Kant |
| Question asked | What will happen? | What is my duty? |
Applying both approaches
Sting operation: Farhan, a reporter, poses as a businessman and secretly records an official taking a bribe. A teleological thinker may say the sting is justified, because exposing corruption benefits millions and the harm is small. A deontological thinker may object that lying is wrong in itself, and that secretly recording a person treats him merely as a means.
Indian courts have accepted a middle path.
R.K. Anand v. Registrar, Delhi High Court (2009): a television channel had secretly filmed a senior defence lawyer and the special public prosecutor in a hit and run case negotiating with a key witness. Held: the Supreme Court upheld the basic legitimacy of the sting and of its telecast, because it exposed an attempt to subvert a criminal trial, though it criticised some excesses in the way it was presented. Principle: deception may be justified by a strong public interest, when there is no other way to expose the wrong, and when it is done fairly.
Photograph of a dying child: a newspaper gets a photograph of a dying child in a flood. Publishing it may move people to donate and force the government to act, which is a teleological argument. But the child and the family never consented, and the image may strip them of dignity, which is a deontological concern. A thoughtful editor may use both lenses: publish only if the public interest is strong, blur identifying features, and respect the family's wishes.
The teleological approach asks, "What will happen?" The deontological approach asks, "What is my duty?" A good journalist asks both questions before deciding.
Prince, a digital creator, receives a viral video that seems to show a politician accepting cash. Before posting, he must ask legal questions: is it defamatory, is it a deepfake, is it obscene, does it affect a pending trial, and is it a paid promotion? And he must ask ethical questions: is it accurate, is it fair, does it invade privacy, and what are the consequences and his duties? Media law gives the outer boundary, and ethics guides the choices inside it.
Quick revision
- Media law runs from the struggle of the early printing press all the way to deepfakes and the ethics of the digital newsroom.
- In every problem, first identify the right, then test the restriction against the eight grounds and the tests of reasonableness.
- Always name the provision, and support it with the leading case.
- Whenever two concepts look similar, like obscenity and vulgarity, or censorship and certification, write their differences clearly, with an example.